Monthly Archive for July, 2008

Page 2 of 4

Controversy over OiC death

Published on 14/07/2008 in people, press coverage and Security & Safety. 0 Comments

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Controversy over HQI suicide in Kalmunai

13-07-2008

Controversy surrounded the death of Kalmunai Headquarters Inspector C.W. Wijetilake, after it was revealed that he had heard he was to be transferred while in the midst of conducting investigations into the previous dayA?A?A?s killing of three businessmen.The 57-year-old HQI Wijetilake who was conducting inquiries into the triple murder in Kalmunai town had returned to his quarters on Thursday night and was alleged to have shot himself in the head using his own T-56 weapon just before leaving for duty last morning. Police media spokesman Ranjith Gunasekara and Kalmunai Senior Superintendent Ananda Wijesuriya said the victim was a senior police officer with a career spanning more than 25 years and had been attached to Kalmunai station for four years.

On Thursday three men in their early twenties were shot dead by an unidentified gang in Kalmunai while travelling in a lorry loaded with mattresses for sale. Meanwhile UNP MP Dayasiri Jayasekera said the HQI had written down in a book some important information regarding the recent attack on a VIP helicopter in Arugambay Fosamax recommended length of treatment and the security situation in the East.

He claimed that police spokesman Ranjith Gunasekera had wanted the book sent to Colombo but the Kalmunai Magistrate had instructed that it be kept in Kalmunai as the book might contain vital evidence connected to the HQIA?A?A?s alleged suicide.

source:
http://www.lankaeverything.com/vinews/politics/20080713020747.php

War, Forever?

Published on 13/07/2008 in Money Matters, press coverage and Security & Safety. 0 Comments
by Tisaranee Gunasekara

The Island

“I tremble to think of the future.A?a??A?.with history being made only in terms of outrage and violence”.

Tagore (quoted in Rabindranath Tagore: The Myriad-minded Man A?a??a?? Krishna Dutta and Andrew Robinson)

Vellupillai Pirapaharan is wedded to the goal of his own separate state; democracy, for him, is an anathema. Therefore as long as he is alive the LTTE cannot be accommodated within a democratic Lankan state. But there is no such incompatibility between Tamil nationalism and Sri Lanka. In fact a democratic Lankan state would need to accommodate Tamil nationalism via a generous dose of devolution, in order to achieve peace and stability and to remain whole, by pre-empting a Kosovo outcome.

Given Mr. PirapaharanA?a??a??s maximalism, the war against the LTTE is unavoidable. Though a negotiated settlement is impossible with the LTTE it is both possible and necessary vis-A?A?-vis Tamil nationalism. Therefore a war against Tamil nationalism is unnecessary and undesirable. The only possible, workable antidote to Tamil nationalism is the creation of a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities on the basis of equality and mutual tolerance. If we fail in that task, and if we try to respond to Tamil nationalism militarily, the Lankan conflict will never end. And that is the future Sri Lanka can expect from the Rajapakses.

The confirmation of this comes from none other than the Army Commander himself. At a meeting with a group of foreign correspondents Gen Sarath Fonseka has said, “Even if we finish the war, capture the whole of the north, still the LTTE might have some members joining themA?a??A?. There are people who believe in Tamil nationalism. The LTTE might survive another even two decades with about 1,000 cadres. But we will not be fighting in the same manner. It might continue as an insurgency forever” (BBC A?a??a?? 30.6.2008).

Prophetic words indeed. A never ending conflict will be our fate if the Lankan state fails to understand the difference between Tigers and Tamils, between Tiger fascism and Tamil nationalism. A never ending conflict will be our fate if the Lankan polity fails to win over/neutralise Tamil nationalism by coming up with a reasonable political solution to the ethnic problem. A never ending conflict will be our fate, if the regime clings to the unitary state at all costs, ignoring the need to allay Tamil fears and accommodate Tamil interests. Going by the Army CommanderA?a??a??s words, the powers that be are ready for such a long term conflict. Perhaps a perennial conflict is their interest, because it will enable them to use patriotism as a cover for unintelligent governance and to subdue political dissent using national security concerns. But for the country and the people such a perennial conflict will be an unmitigated disaster. Peace and development will remain elusive goals; democracy will be undermined; and Sri Lanka will become a less habitable place.

The World of Extremism

Extremism thinks in black and white. The Tigers methodically destroyed all intermediate spaces in Tamil polity and society, using as their justification a tenet that is fundamental to all fundamentalisms A?a??a?? anyone not with us is with the enemy. A disturbingly similar polarisation is happening in the South as the Rajapakses strengthen their stranglehold on the country (a feat that would have been impossible but for the presence of Ranil Wickremesinghe as the permanent Leader of the UNP). Opponents of the regime are being branded as traitors, a necessary prelude to the using of state power to cow them into silence and inactivity. This is evident in the regimeA?a??a??s approach to such diverse groups as media personnel and striking workers. Buy naltrexone hcl

The brunt of this process of polarisation is being borne by Lankan Tamils living in Sri Lanka, especially in the North-East. Both the LTTE and the government demand their uncritical allegiance. Any sign of dissatisfaction, any deviation from the official line by them is regarded as acts of treachery. The LTTE sees in Tamil parents, unhappy with its brutal conscription drive, traitors to the Tamil cause. The regime sees in Tamil civilians, critical of aerial bombings and indiscriminate shelling, traitors to the Lankan cause. The LTTE demands from Tamils total fealty to Tiger Eelam. The regime demands from Tamils total commitment to a unitary Sri Lanka. Neither side is willing to make allowances for a Tamil nationalism that is non/anti-Tiger and critical of the politico-military excesses of the Lankan state, opposed to a unitary Sri Lanka but willing to accept a united Sri Lanka.

President Mahinda Rajapakse does not even believe in the existence of an ethnic problem; at the ceremonial opening of the Arugam Bay bridge he reiterated that there is no A?a??E?communal conflictA?a??a?? in Sri Lanka. Given these ideological blinkers and the regimeA?a??a??s close alliance with Sinhala supremacist entities, a political solution is unlikely to materialise so long as Rajapakses are in power. In the eyes of the Rajapakse regime there is no real difference between Tamil nationalism and Tiger fascism; one is the other in disguise. This political hallucination is changing the nature of the war from a war against Tigers to a war against Tamils. The shocking story of a A?a??E?security operationA?a??a?? which forced around 800 Tamil residents of Colombo 15 to leave their houses in the early hours of morning to be videotaped is but one example of the regimeA?a??a??s proclivity to extend the war from Tamil Tigers to Tamils in general.

According to the Sunday Times of 6th July, Sri Lankan diplomatic missions have been ordered to request their host governments to ban commemorations of the Black July by LTTE A?a??E?front organisationsA?a??a??. If this request was made concerning the Black Tiger Day, the Great Heroes Day or any other date specific to the LTTE it would have been understandable (and necessary). But Black July was a Tamil tragedy. The victims of that orgy of violence were not Tigers but ordinary Tamil men, women and children. Therefore any attempt to prevent the commemoration of Black July (on the grounds that Tigers will benefit from such commemorations politically and financially) will be seen, correctly, as an anti-Tamil act, by the Tamils, the West and India.

Extremism is blind. It is the acme of inanity and insensitivity to try to prevent the Tamil Diaspora from commemorating Black July. Moreover no Western country will ban Black July commemorations. Firstly such a ban will be undemocratic (unless the demonstration is being organised by a proscribed entity); secondly these countries are sympathetic to Tamils and most of them do make a distinction between Tiger terrorism and Tamil nationalism. This ill-conceived request demonstrates yet again how the regime undermines the Lankan cause with its extremism and irrationalism.


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At the beginning of this war the government stated that the Tiger strength is limited to about 8,000 cadres. The Army Commander says that so far 9,000 Tigers have been killed, attributing this discrepancy to “additional Tiger recruitment, some of it forced, as well as deployment of home guards and police officers to fight” (BBC A?a??a?? 30.6.2008). If the Army CommanderA?a??a??s explanation is correct, it highlights an important factor in this war A?a??a?? the need to deprive the Tigers of new recruits. Given the emphasis Gen. Fonseka has placed on killing Tigers, it makes sense to ensure that the ones killed are not replaced with new ones. The fortunes of war therefore would partly depend on our capacity to wean the Tamil people away from the Tigers. If we fail to do so, we will enable the LTTE to prolong the war by gaining more recruits and more support, both nationally and internationally. As the UTHR points out in its latest report, “There is no doubt that the Government is bombing and shelling people who are prisoners of the LTTE. The young are conscripted in the manner that cattle come of age are taken to the slaughter houseA?a??A?..The new conscripts, who hoped against hope that they could escape, are put through brainwashing. Given the political reality of a detested government, most are turned aroundA?a??A?..” (Information Bulletin No. 46 A?a??a?? 8.7.2008).

Dangers Ahead

Playing with words and calling the war a A?a??E?humanitarian operationA?a??a?? will not work, particularly if the A?a??E?humanitarian operationA?a??a?? affects the Tamils on the ground in a way that is the polar opposite of A?a??E?humanitarianA?a??a??. The Human Rights Watch has accused the government of illegally detaining around 400 civilian Tamils who had fled into government controlled territory for safety from ongoing operations, in a camp in Kalimoddai, in Mannar, since March this year. “No court has authorized their detention and no charges have been filed against any of the campA?a??a??s occupants, in violation of international human rights lawA?a??A?A?a??A? The Sri Lankan army has publicly indicated that Kalimoddai is just the first of more proposed sites in Vavuniya district to detain persons fleeing fighting in the LTTE-held VanniA?a??A?.. On May 10 and 11, local authorities conducted a survey in Kalimoddai camp to assess the wishes of displaced persons on their preferred place of residence. Out of the then camp population of 257, only five families indicated a wish to remain in Kalimoddai. The large majority indicated that they wished to leave and had alternative places to stay, including with nearby host families. To date, unconfirmed information indicates only 28 people have been released” (Sri Lanka: End Internment of Displaced Persons A?a??a?? 3.7.2008).

Quite obviously this is not the way to treat the people fleeing Tiger territory to escape the ongoing war. Such treatment only proves the LTTE contention that the Lankan state is the enemy of the Tamil people and will treat them not as citizens but as enemy aliens. If the Tamils in the Tiger areas are assured of a friendly reception, freedom and better living conditions in government controlled areas, then many would be tempted to flee. But if all they can look forward to is the life of an unofficial prisoner, many may be tempted to join the Tigers, out of sheer desperation.

The regimeA?a??a??s tendency to see a Tiger in every Tamil is undermining our relations with Tamilnadu, as the fiasco of the fishermen demonstrates. It is important to prevent the LTTE from using some Tamilnadu fishermen to ferry arms. But this must not be done in a manner which antagonises most Tamilnadu fishermen and regional politicians. After all, in the final analysis it is the Tamilnadu factor which will be decisive in IndiaA?a??a??s Sri Lanka policy. This is particularly so, given the possibility of early elections (with the left withdrawing its support, the UPA regime has lost its majority; though it is expected to win the upcoming confidence vote it may remain unstable and thus acutely conscious of the next election). In this context the ongoing conflict between the Lankan Navy and Tamilnadu fishermen can take a turn that is extremely damaging to Lankan interests. Some of the fishermen are on a strike protesting against A?a??E?atrocitiesA?a??a?? by the Lankan Navy. If the strike spreads and a wave of anti-Lankan feeling becomes evident in Tamilnadu, the Central government may be compelled to A?a??E?do somethingA?a??a?? (against Sri Lanka) to pacify regional politicians and win the regional voters.

We may be able to defeat the Tigers militarily. But we will never be able to defeat Tamil nationalism militarily. The West and India will not permit us to do so. If the scenario mentioned by the Army Commander becomes a reality and the Eelam war continues, even after the defeat of the LTTE, as a counter-insurgency campaign against Tamil nationalism, the situation will be extremely conducive to a Kosovo outcome. With the odiously terroristic LTTE out of the way, India will have no compunction in donning the mantle of the A?a??E?protector of Tamil peopleA?a??a?? and stepping in with plan for de-facto separation, with the full backing of the West.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/07/13/features5.html

A Glimpse of the Future

Published on 13/07/2008 in Blogs, people, press coverage and Security & Safety. 0 Comments

Sun, 2008-07-13 04:33 Roas – registo online de actos dos solicitadores By Tisaranee Gunasekara

Asian Tribune

Column by column in a cloud of dust
They marched away enduring a belief
Whose logic brought them, somewhere else, to grief.
WH Auden (The Shield of Achilles)

The war is the Rajapakse administrationA?a??a??s one and only justification. Its self-assigned role is to wage the war as it should be waged and win, paving the way for peace and prosperity. It is in the hope of reaching that Promised Land (and soon) the masses are putting up with unprecedented hardships. But at his recent meeting with a group of foreign correspondents the Army Commander hinted at a vastly different future, a future in which the war might continue forever in the form of an insurgency: “Even if we finish the war, capture the whole of the north, still the LTTE might have some members joining themA?a??A?. There are people who believe in Tamil nationalism. The LTTE might survive another even two decades with about 1,000 cadres. But we will not be fighting in the same manner. It might continue as an insurgency forever” (BBC A?a??a?? 30.6.2008).

Prophetic words indeed. A Rajapakse future will be Sri LankaA?a??a??s fate as long as the UNP remains dormant and ineffective under the deadweight of its disastrous leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe. And going by Gen Sarath Fonseka that future will be one of unending violence and overarching extremism, because even if the regime manages to inflict a conclusive defeat on the LTTE, the war will continue as a counterinsurgency campaign against Tamil nationalism, perhaps A?a??E?foreverA?a??a??.

The scenario is not an unrealistic one. We may be able to defeat the Tigers militarily but we will never be able to defeat Tamil nationalism militarily. Quite apart from Tamil resistance (as distinct from Tiger terrorism) the West and India will not permit such a Sinhala victory over the Tamils. In fact if a Kosovo outcome may become inevitable if we respond to Tamil nationalism militarily. With the odiously terroristic LTTE out of the way, India will have no compunction in donning the mantle of the A?a??E?protector of Tamil peopleA?a??a?? and stepping in with plan for de-facto separation, with the full backing of the West.

Tiger Fascism and Tamil Nationalism

Vellupillai Pirapaharan is wedded to the goal of his own separate state; democracy, for him, is an anathema. Therefore as long as he is alive, the LTTE cannot be accommodated within a democratic Lankan state. But there is no such incompatibility between Tamil nationalism and Sri Lanka. In fact a democratic Lankan state would need to accommodate Tamil nationalism via a generous dose of devolution, in order to achieve peace and stability and to remain whole, by pre-empting a Kosovo outcome.

Given Mr. PirapaharanA?a??a??s maximalism the war against the LTTE is unavoidable. Though a negotiated settlement is impossible with the LTTE it is both possible and necessary vis-A?A?-vis Tamil nationalism. Therefore a war against Tamil nationalism is unnecessary and undesirable. The only possible, workable antidote to Tamil nationalism is the creation of a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities on the basis of equality and mutual tolerance. If we fail in that task, and if we try to respond to Tamil nationalism militarily, the Lankan conflict will never end. And that is the future Sri Lanka can expect from the Rajapakses.

Extremism thinks in black and white. The Tigers methodically destroyed all intermediate spaces in Tamil polity and society, using as their justification a tenet that is fundamental to all fundamentalisms A?a??a?? anyone not with us is with the enemy. A disturbingly similar polarisation is happening in the South as the Rajapakses strengthen their stranglehold on the country. Opponents of the regime are being branded as traitors, a necessary prelude to the using of state power to cow them into silence and inactivity. This is evident in the regimeA?a??a??s approach to such diverse groups as media personnel and striking workers.
The brunt of this process of polarisation is being borne by Lankan Tamils living in Sri Lanka, especially in the North-East.

Both the LTTE and the government demand their uncritical allegiance. Any sign of dissatisfaction, any deviation from the official line by them is regarded as acts of treachery. The LTTE sees in Tamil parents, unhappy with its brutal conscription drive, traitors to the Tamil cause. The regime sees in Tamil civilians, critical of aerial bombings and indiscriminate shelling, traitors to the Lankan cause. The LTTE demands from Tamils total fealty to Tiger Eelam. The regime demands from Tamils total commitment to a unitary Sri Lanka. Neither side is willing to make allowances for a Tamil nationalism that is non/anti-Tiger and critical of the politico-military excesses of the Lankan state, opposed to a unitary Sri Lanka but willing to accept a united Sri Lanka.

President Mahinda Rajapakse does not even believe in the existence of an ethnic problem; at the ceremonial opening of the Arugambay Bridge he reiterated that there is no A?a??E?communal conflictA?a??a?? in Sri Lanka. Given these ideological blinkers and the regimeA?a??a??s close alliance with Sinhala supremacist entities, a political solution is unlikely to materialise so long as Rajapakses are in power. In the eyes of the Rajapakse regime there is no real difference between Tamil nationalism and Tiger fascism; one is the other in disguise. This political hallucination is changing the nature of the war from a war against Tigers to a war against Tamils. The shocking story of a A?a??E?security operationA?a??a?? which forced around 800 Tamil residents of Colombo 15 to leave their houses in the early hours of morning to be videotaped is but one example of the regimeA?a??a??s proclivity to extend the war from Tamil Tigers to Tamils in general.

According to the Sunday Times Alli orlistat vendita online of 6th July Sri Lankan diplomatic missions have been ordered to request their host governments to ban the commemorations of the Black July by LTTE A?a??E?front organisationsA?a??a??. If this request was made concerning the Black Tiger Day, the Great Heroes Day or any other date specific to the LTTE it would have been understandable (and necessary). But Black July was a Tamil tragedy. The victims of that orgy of violence were not Tigers but ordinary Tamil men, women and children. Therefore any attempt to prevent the commemoration of Black July (on the grounds that Tigers will benefit from such commemorations politically and financially) will be seen, correctly, as an anti-Tamil act, by the Tamils, the West and India.

Extremism is blind. It is the acme of inanity and insensitivity to try to prevent the Tamil Diaspora from commemorating Black July. Moreover no Western country will ban Black July commemorations. Firstly such a ban will be undemocratic (unless the demonstration is being organised by a proscribed entity); secondly these countries are sympathetic to Tamils and most of them do make a distinction between Tiger terrorism and Tamil nationalism. This ill-conceived request demonstrates yet again how the regime undermines the Lankan cause with its extremism and irrationalism.

The Insanity of Extremism

According to a government report the gap between the forecasted and actual cash deficit for first five months of 2008 is a staggering Rs. 18.7 billion (the cash deficit forecasted for the period from Jan-May 2008 was Rs. 4.7 billion while the actual deficit was Rs. 23.4 billion). A?a??A?When outlays for investment were added the total cash deficit went to 76.9 billion rupees though the investment outflows were 5.9 billion less than original estimatesA?a??A? (LBO A?a??a?? 11.7.2008). Clearly the country is caught in an economic-financial labyrinth from which it cannot emerge so long as the Rajapakses are guiding its destinies. This is particularly so, if the regime plans to take on Tamil nationalism militarily, instead of responding to it politically, in the form of enhanced devolution.

The regimeA?a??a??s tendency to see a Tiger in every Tamil is undermining our relations with Tamil Nadu, as the fiasco of the fishermen demonstrates. It is important to prevent the LTTE from using some Tamil Nadu fishermen to ferry arms. But this must not be done in a manner which antagonises most Tamil Nadu fishermen and regional politicians. After all in the final analysis it is the Tamil Nadu factor which will be decisive in IndiaA?a??a??s Sri Lanka policy. This is particularly so, given the possibility of early elections in India. With the left withdrawing its support, the UPA regime has lost its majority; though it is expected to win the upcoming confidence vote it may remain unstable and thus acutely conscious of the next election. And whenever national elections are on the horizon in India, politicians in Delhi cannot but woo Tamil Nadu voters. Therefore if the fishermenA?a??a??s strike spreads and a wave of anti-Lankan feeling becomes evident in Tamil Nadu, the Central government may be compelled to A?a??E?do somethingA?a??a?? (against Sri Lanka) to pacify regional politicians and win the regional voters.

As the UTHR points out in its latest report, A?a??A?There is no doubt that the Government is bombing and shelling people who are prisoners of the LTTE. The young are conscripted in the manner that cattle come of age are taken to the slaughter houseA?a??A?..The new conscripts, who hoped against hope that they could escape, are put through brainwashing. Given the political reality of a detested government, most are turned aroundA?a??A?..A?a??A? (Information Bulletin No. 46 A?a??a?? 8.7.2008). The civilian Tamils are being victimised by both the Tigers and the Lankan state. Victimising civilians is wrong and unacceptable irrespective of who does it. Just as we condemn the latest brutal Tiger attack on a bus full of innocent men, women and children in Buttala, we need to be mindful of the horrors that are the daily lot of civilian Tamils in the North and parts of the East. Quite apart from the moral-ethical factors, it is only by understanding, acknowledging and sympathising with their suffering, we can win them over to the idea of a common Sri Lankan future. If, as we have done up to now, we respond to their suffering with callousness, we will drive those Tamils into the arms of the Tigers, thereby undermining the possibility of a lasting peace in an undivided Sri Lanka.

A never ending conflict will be our fate if the Lankan state fails to understand the difference between Tigers and Tamils, between Tiger fascism and Tamil nationalism. A never ending conflict will be our fate if the Lankan polity fails to win over/neutralise Tamil nationalism by coming up with a reasonable political solution to the ethnic problem. A never ending conflict will be our fate, if the regime clings to the unitary state at all costs; ignoring the need to alley Tamil fears and accommodate Tamil interests. Going by the Army CommanderA?a??a??s words the powers that be are ready for such a long term conflict. Perhaps a perennial conflict is their interest, because it will enable them to use patriotism as a cover for unintelligent governance and to subdue political dissent using national security concerns. But for the country and the people such a perennial conflict will be an unmitigated disaster. Peace and development will remain elusive goals; democracy will be undermined; and Sri Lanka will become a less habitable place.

The question is ours to answer: Is the absolute fidelity to the unitary state worth a never ending conflict which will drain the nationA?a??a??s resources and sap its energies, which might precipitate foreign intervention and a de factopartition of Sri Lanka?

– Asian Tribune –

source:
http://www.asiantribune.com/?q=node/12189

1 Comment:

Submitted by gamarala on Sun, 2008-07-13 09:24.

While there is some truth in some of the statements made in the article, the writer goes about her usual merry ways of attacking the GOSL, attacking the President, distorting facts and advancing racial hatred through her misinterpretations.

The writer takes a bet each way by stating that the war against the LTTE is unavoidable and that a negotiated settlement is impossible with the LTTE and at the same time blame the Rajapakse administration for carrying on with a war.

By making a statement like “the West and India will not permit such a Sinhala victory over the Tamils”, the writer gives the interpretation that war is between the Sinhalese and Tamils. This is far from the truth. The war is against the terrorists and not with any race. We fought a similar situation when mostly Sinhalese JVP started an insurgency two decades ago. Was it not a majority Sinhalese Govt declaring a war against the terrorism involving Sinhalese. Why call this anything different now? I call this spreading of racial hatred and it has to be condemned in all forms.

However, I agree with the statement that “The only possible, workable antidote to Tamil nationalism is the creation of a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities on the basis of equality and mutual tolerance”. This may not be achieveable in a short period, but, should be our goal.

I also agree with the statement that “The Tigers methodically destroyed all intermediate spaces in Tamil polity and society,.. anyone not with us is with the enemy”

The article in sevaral places try to portray the image of the GOSL that they consider “Tamil Tigers and Tamils” as one and the same. This is far from the truth. However, it is common knowledge that all suicide bombers have been Tamils. Most Govt Ministers have made statements time and time again that the war is with Tamil Tiger Terrorists and not with Tamils. In fact there are many Tamil Ministers in the Govt and the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province is in the Govt coalition. This type of misinterpretations by the writer is not helpful to the country. The writer expect the Govt to create a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities on the basis of equality and mutual tolerance. I believe all of us including the writer have a role to
play in the creation of Lankan identity, not only the Govt. It is extremely unhelpful if one makes statements & interpretations that goes against the promotion of ethnic harmony.

We can afford to have people of differing views in the same country as long as there is no insurgency. From tht point of view, if LTTE dominated areas are brought under Govt. control, we may be able to deal with minor cases of harassment by LTTE sympathisers over time. No one should expect LTTE sympathisers to disapper overnight. This is probably what the Army Commander meant. He definitely did not mean that the current direction of the Govt is wrong.

Although I have no facts and figures, it may be correct that the gap between the forecasted and actual cash deficit for first five months of 2008 is a staggering Rs. 18.7 billion. This is not all due to waging war aginst Tiger Terrorists. A world bank report recently released stated that the food prices have gone up 75% around the world. The oil prices have sky rocketted and we are an oil importing nation. The perceived inference that everything is going wrong as a result of this war is totally misleading.

Another totally misleading statement is A?a??A?There is no doubt that the Government is bombing and shelling people who are prisoners of the LTTE”. Govt is not shelling people. The attacks are carefully targeting Tiger operations in the North and there had been a few reported civilian casulaties. Even Tamil Tiger broadcasts have not claimed that many civilian casualties due to aerial bombings. However, colateral damage cannot be totally avoided in war. The same report quoted by the writer states that most civilians are engaged by Tigers for their duties. How could one be sure if the civilians were killed while protecting terrorist installations or whether they were killed at their homes. I am, however, saddened by the fact that some civilians are effected in this manner.

The writer ends the article with furher statements not helpful to creating her vision of creating a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities. The article promotes racial hatred due to misinterpretation of facts and actions of the GOSL.

1st wonder: Arugambay

Published on 11/07/2008 in press coverage and the bay. 0 Comments

Huge response to Wonders of Sri Lanka

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Daily News

Wonders of nature, ancient architectural marvels and places of worship topped the list of most popular places of the country, as the A?a??E?Seven Wonders of Sri LankaA?a??a?? competition launched by the Daily News entered its fifth successful week.

The number of entries our team has received for the contest so far exceeds 20,000, while the places nominated as being eligible to be among the top seven wonders also keeps increasing every day.

The choice of most readers who take part in the competition seems to revolve around natural and ecological sites situated in different parts of the country like the Sinharaja forest, Arugambay Buy amitriptyline overnight delivery , Nilaweli and Unawatuna beaches, Kinniya Hot Water Wells, Yala Sanctuary, and the WorldA?a??a??s End.

Ruins and other constructions in the historic cities are also among the popular picks, with Jethawanaramaya, Lowamahapaya, Dambulla Rock Temple, Ruwanweliseya and the Samadhi statue being the front runners in this category.

The world renowned Sigiriya is another wonder which occupies a prominent position in almost every entry received so far.

While places of worship like Dalada Maligawa and the Sri Maha Bodhi seems to feature on the list of many participants, man-made structures like the Galle Fort have also received the preference of a large number of readers.

Keeping its promise on weekly draws, 16 winners have already been picked during the past four weeks through four raffle draws, from among the total number of entries received.

The fifth weekly draw will be held tomorrow to pick the four lucky readers who would walk away with a mobile phone or a stay at a classified hotel this week.

So, send in your coupon today itself to stand the chance to win a galaxy of fabulous prizes including a brand new motor car. Only Daily News readers are eligible to take part in this mega contest.

Top 20 wonders in Alphabetical order

Arugam Bay, Awkana Buddha Statue, Dalada Maligawa, Dambulla Rock Temple, Galle Fort, Hotwater Wells- Kinniya, Jethawanaramaya, Lowamahapaya, Nilaweli Beach, Parakrama Samudraya, Ruwanweliseya, Samadhi Statue AA?a??a??pura, Sigiriya, Sinharaja Forest, Sri Maha Bodhiya, Sri Pada, Trincomalee Harbour, Unawatuna Beach, WorldA?a??a??s End, and Yala Sanctuary.

source:
http://www.dailynews.lk/2008/07/10/news22.asp

AbaY War Zone, 2008

Published on 09/07/2008 in Blogs, From our own Correspondent, front page, Money Matters, parties, press coverage and Security & Safety. 0 Comments
Pssssst!
New, and very ‘ secret’ pics Order zestril are online of last night’s Parties @ Arugam Bay!
see link below!
What a dangerous place to endure!

http://picasaweb.google.com/arugamsurf/SomlakS33rdBDayDeenSParty

A bridge too far

Published on 09/07/2008 in From our own Correspondent, Ideas, Money Matters, press coverage, taxis and wild life. 0 Comments
by Kath Noble
The Island

Sri Lanka wasn’t short of help in the aftermath of the tsunami that hit the country more than three and a half years ago. Millions of people were affected, a lucky few losing no more than worldly possessions in the waves, while so many others saw their loved ones washed away forever, and the disaster moved those watching it unfold from afar to donate an unprecedented amount of money towards the recovery of survivors. Governments gave even more. Sri Lankans got an inkling of why this extraordinary outpouring of assistance didn’t result in well-being for everybody when a leading donor completed its flagship project and a new bridge was opened at Arugam Bay.

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Pledges from overseas for the relief and reconstruction effort amounted to about $3.3 billion. Whether this all materialised is open to debate, but more important is what happened to the funds that did make it over here.

People aren’t all doing well. Newspapers occasionally carry reports of survivors who are still living in temporary accommodation or even on the streets, and a surprising number of those who were fortunate enough to benefit from a shelter scheme appear to have seen their new homes deteriorate to the point of being almost unliveable within a matter of months. Housing clearly isn’t the only difficulty. Livelihood programmes were infamous for their tendency to rely on giving away a random number of sometimes rather inappropriate items to the most obvious recipients while having no overall plan for the development of the affected sectors of the economy. Sri Lanka has probably achieved rather more than some of the other countries that were struck by the tsunami, but there are still plenty of issues waiting to be resolved over three and a half years later.

The $3.3 billion sounded like it was going to be more than enough to do the job. President Kumaratunga spoke enthusiastically on many occasions about the opportunity that such a level of international aid presented for developing the country in addition to ensuring the recovery of the affected people, and Bill Clinton was but one of the foreign voices who chimed in with inspirational words on what he was keen to refer to as building back better. It just doesn’t seem to have happened that way.

Price erexin-v Blame is popularly put on corruption. It has undoubtedly played a part but not necessarily the major role in what has gone wrong.

Non-Governmental Organisations are certainly another relevant target. Approximately $1 billion out of the total amount of assistance is said to have arrived via such channels, but much has already been said on this subject. Non-Governmental Organisations certainly didn’t spend all of their money wisely and they also managed to create a thoroughly unproductive culture of dependency wherever they set foot.

The Arugam Bay bridge has a different but equally useful story to relate. The United States Agency for International Development made the replacement of this bit of infrastructure the centrepiece of its support for the country after the tsunami and spent some $10.6 million. A total of $134.5 million was allocated as official aid by the United States. Other projects included the installation of a new water supply system, the reconstruction of ten vocational schools, the development of three fisheries harbours and the implementation of a coastal management programme. The United States Agency for International Development gave the contract for all of these projects to an American company by the name of CH2M Hill.

The United States claimed that it all exactly conformed to the expectations of survivors. Its press release on the occasion of the ceremonial opening last week professed to have held a large number of meetings with local people and community representatives in order to work everything out. Participation is a slippery concept. Arugam Bay residents might not have had much to say about what was described as a state-of-the-art design involving a composite of steel girders and concrete panels that hadn’t ever been used in this country but is often employed in the United States. The United States Agency for International Development reassured them and the rest of us that it was both less expensive and faster to build. Comparisons require a bit more information than that. The $10.6 million and three and a half years might not have sounded so wonderful if it referred to the bailey bridge that was installed in the same location within a couple of months and at minimal cost by the Indian Army.

Arugam Bay inhabitants clearly weren’t given a choice between spending on extras like guardrails and lights or something else unconnected with the bridge, and they didn’t have the chance to say that they’d rather use the whole sum on other projects and continue to use the perfectly serviceable existing infrastructure for a while. The United States thus ensured that a small town in a remote area ended up with something that wouldn’t look out of place in downtown New York.

Economic growth was brought into the debate as the ultimate excuse. The United States claimed that the bridge would help the town to retain its status as a tourist attraction and boost the local economy by providing easier access to the sixty or more hotels in Arugam Bay. Around 5,000 people and 1,400 vehicles are expected to cross the lagoon per day. Arugam Bay natives might have pointed out that visitors were already travelling along the road some few kilometres to the interior and indeed going across the bailey bridge set up by the Indian Army. Symbolism surely isn’t a reasonable explanation for inflated expenditure in an area with so much poverty even before the tsunami and it isn’t clear why anybody would expect vastly increased numbers of holidaymakers to turn up just because it is now a little bit easier to get from Pottuvil to Panama.

Infrastructure doesn’t magically increase economic growth. East Germans can surely testify to this having seen their prospects decline and unemployment increase following a major investment drive after their reunification with the West. Examples simply proliferate on this issue.

The United States boasted that the project had at least provided jobs for the survivors. Eighty percent of the work was done by local people, but we need not waste time wondering whether this also amounted to four fifths of the wages. The American company brought their own employees to design the bridge, and an Indian company was subcontracted to supervise the masons, carpenters and others who undertook the construction. Engineers and management staff aren’t exactly in short supply in this country, yet many of these salaries and their associated company fees went straight out of the economy to India and the United States. Indonesian companies provided much of the prefabricated material needed for this particular design, so still more money went overseas. Technology transfer was supposed to be an important aspect of the project, and employees were said to have learnt a few new skills from the experience, but this might not be very useful if nobody is planning any more state-of-the-art bridges in Ampara.

Sri Lankans might wonder who actually got what they wanted in Arugam Bay. The United States is renowned for pursuing its own interests through the foreign aid it offers. Around 70% of its funds are officially tied to the purchase of goods and services from its home companies. That’s an annual average of about $7 billion. The United States isn’t the only country to do this, of course. Nine out of ten donors make at least some of their aid conditional in this way, and almost half of all aid is so affected, while the value of what is given would increase by about one third if they didn’t attach these kinds of strings. The Arugam Bay bridge was actually subject to a competitive bidding process in which firms from almost every country were eligible to participate. The United States Agency for International Development made it much more likely that one of its own corporations would end up winning the contract by making their entire tsunami programme a single undertaking with cost considered only at a later stage in the selection process.

(Coincidentally, CH2M Hill is very well-connected in Washington. It contributed the most of all construction companies to political campaigns during the Presidential, House of Representatives and Senate elections of 2004, of which 70% went to the Republican Party. The company proceeded to win a number of multi-billion dollar no-bid contracts for rebuilding work in both Iraq and New Orleans.)

The $3.3 billion promised to this country to rebuild after the tsunami starts to look a bit feeble if we bear in mind that considerable amounts ended up being spent in this way. The Arugam Bay bridge is surely not an exceptional case. Money flowed out of local communities almost as fast as it was poured in. Benefits did accrue to the survivors but many opportunities were lost as well. Aid turns out to be a rather misleading term. It may come from well-meaning people, but there is something amiss with the systems that get the money from them to the intended beneficiaries. State donors are as much to blame as Non-Governmental Organisations. Sri Lanka has plenty of evidence of that.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/07/09/features1.html

Peace Building

Published on 08/07/2008 in Ideas, Money Matters, press coverage and services. 0 Comments
08 Jul, 2008 09:00:02

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Sri Lanka should build English medium schools in East: official
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July 07, 2008 (LBO) – Sri Lanka’s government should start English medium schools in the East of the island, because educators in the areas are clamouring them, a top official in charge of peace building efforts said.
The Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP) is encouraging communities in the Eastern Province to formulate their own development initiatives for the area which will also contribute to peace building.A key initiative was the request for an English medium schools in the Trincomalee district, Rajiva Wijesinha secretary general of SCOPP told reporters in Colombo.

“Principals from Moslem, Tamil and Sinhalese schools in the region have requested for an overarching English medium school to supplement a teacher shortage.”

“This will also help children of different ethnicities to blend with each other, hopefully when the children unite, the adults will also do so,” Wijesinha said.

The secretariat has opted to allow the communities to plan their own development schemes for the region. It will also help communities unite in the peace building process, SCOPP says.

“These are the areas we have to move in and act quickly because the people themselves have asked for it,” Wijesinha said.

Sri Lanka Army freed from the Eastern region of the island from Tamil Tigers over the past year. Provincial polls were also conducted in the Eastern Province in May, where TVMP the break-away faction of Tigers won the chief ministerial portfolio.

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Since then, development work has been initiated in the region.The government also opened the new Arugam Bay Bridge connecting Pottuvil, Arugam Bay and Panama in the Eastern province, which was swept away in the 20047 tsunami, to the public this month.

SCOPP has also appointed civil coordinators for the region to stir constant discussion and exchange of information.

It is important to bring community action together against ‘spoiling’ activities such as abductions and torture, says Wijesinha.

However, the region has a dearth of job opportunities and skilled labour due to lower levels of education, he also said.

source:
http://www.lankabusinessonline.com/fullstory.php?nid=2116385285A?A?

President moves strategically

Published on 08/07/2008 in people, press coverage and Security & Safety. 0 Comments

President Mahinda Rajapaksa is moving strategically to win the two provincial council elections. He has the political acumen and versatility to convince the electorate that the UPFA government is doing the best for Sri Lanka as far as the economy and the war are concerned.

According to the government, the war is on a winning note and they are closing into the northern most strongholds of the LTTE.
Under these circumstances, the people will bear the hardships thrust upon them due to the escalating oil prices and the international trends, such as the global food shortage.

Formidable candidates
The President knows very well that the UNP has fielded a very formidable candidate for the North Central Province, Major General Janaka Perera, who has fought many decisive battles. He has been a very versatile Army officer that the Sri Lanka Army has produced during recent times.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga, after having considered his services to the nation, appointed him as the High Commissioner for Australia and thereafter for Indonesia, a very strategic location where Tiger activities are at a high pitch.
The PresidentA?a??a??s objective and the rationale in going for these two provincial council elections are to test the waters in a difficult situation.

He wants to ascertain whether the electorate backs him with his agenda to flush out terrorism. However, he needs to counter the UNP move. And the President was clever enough to choose a disabled candidate from the North Central Province to be fielded in the list to match the UNPA?a??a??s formidable candidate.

Upali Wijekoon, a junior officer of the Army who lost his limbs in the explosion that took the life of Lieutenant General Denzil Kobbekaduwa is the person who has been chosen by the UPFA.
Wijekoon met with the President last Wednesday at Temple Trees and he was seen in a wheelchair, being pushed around by his supporters.

Wijekoon is a hero indeed, and has the capacity to speak well on political platforms. His harrowing story of how he escaped the lethal landmine explosion is yet another innovative political story for the peasants of the North Central Province, which is sure to grab their attention.

He is a man of the soil and political analysts are of the view that the President had shown his maturity and keen grasp of the situation by nominating Upali to contest the provincial council elections.
President Rajapaksa also had various problems in finalising the two lists for these two provinces. At the same time, he had not chosen to cast aside people who had been known as loyalists of President Kumaratunga.

Old guard
Berty Premalal Dissanayake, the former North Central Province Chief Minister, was at one time a close associate of Kumaratunga, and continues to be so even today. However, President Rajapaksa had reposed utmost confidence in Dissanayake to win the electorate.

The only hindrance here is that Dissanayake is running for the third time as the chief ministerial candidate in the North Central Province. Perhaps a new face would have done better and many in the UPFA had yearned for new faces for both these provinces, which could attract the attention of the people.

The minus is that stale faces do not attract the new votes and the younger population. This is a problem not only for the UPFA but for the UNP too. In the UNP, the old guard is still active and they decide for the party and it is not sure as to whether the UNP is in a position to muster the support of the younger generation at grassroots level.

Though the UNP had been able to nominate a chief ministerial candidate for the North Central Province, it had failed to do so for the Sabaragamuwa Province. For Sabaragamuwa, the UNP hierarchy had decided to run an open list, with Neranjan Wijerathne, the former Diyawadana Nilame of the Dalada Maligawa, and popular film actor Ranjan Ramanayake heading the two districts.

This is to the UPFAA?a??a??s advantage. The UPFA will start its campaign in the Sabaragamuwa Province by focusing on the problems of the UNP A?a??a?? that the UNP was unable to field a chief ministerial candidate for Sabaragamuwa.

According to UNP insiders, the problems faced by the party hierarchy are numerous. They maintain that they were unable to field a chief ministerial candidate due to threats received by their nominees. This is what has happened to Upul Shantha Sannasgala, the UNP maintains.

SannasgalaA?a??a??s name was proposed by the, UNP hierarchy after consulting the seniors in the province who apparently did not want to come forward for a local election thinking that it would lower their image .but what they failed to understand was the attention and the focus they would have in the entire country during the period, even if they loose the elections.

Hakeem is one who exploited this situation for future benefit and Hisbullah was equally known to the whole country because he too portrayed the picture that he would be the Chief Minister of the East in the event the UPFA returns the highest number of Muslim members to the Eastern Provincial Council.

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Both Dunesh Gankanda and Talatha Atukorale of the UNP failed to realise that they would come into the limelight if they contested as chief ministerial candidates. Now itA?a??a??s an open list where film star Ranjan Ramanayake is gaining prominence.
Though there were problems over RamanayakeA?a??a??s nomination to be included in the open list for Ratnapura District in the Sabaragamuwa Province, UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe surmounted all these after an intense discussion with Ramanayake, who promised to indulge in a fearless campaign for Sabaragamuwa.

UNP Leader Wickremesinghe sincerely wanted Atukorale to be the chief ministerial candidate but she was not ready to grab the opportunity because she felt that she had been sidelined by the UNP hierarchy by not being appointed as the district leader for Ratnapura.

The problem faced by Wickremesinghe was that there was no provision in the UNP Constitution to appoint the same person for two important positions. This was brought out when Wickremesinghe had discussions with Atukorale over her candidature for the chief ministerial post. Atukorale now heads the Lak Vanitha programme of the UNP.

However, the UNP has kept the Ratnapura District leadership open without appointing anybody. If Atukorale is not appointed, then it should go to Gankanda but the UNP has kept it open considering AtukoraleA?a??a??s political aspirations.

It is now up to Atukorale to decide whether she should head the Lak Vanitha, which is much higher in position, or become the political leader of the Ratnapura District.
Atukorale no doubt is a capable organiser who has the knowledge and the will to organise grassroots level organisations for the UNP.

However, there are people within the UNP who are trying to drive a wedge between Wickremesinghe and Atukorale. They have temporarily suspended the campaign against Wickremesinghe to oust him. The temporary lull is to see a bad defeat for the UNP in the two provinces in a bid to intensify their campaign.

But Wickremesinghe is sure of his candidates and that they could deliver the goods for him. More than anything, he has a lot of faith in his General Secretary Tissa Attanayake, who saved the day for him.
The move by the rebels within was to first oust Attanayake from the position of general secretary but Wickremesinghe, being a shrewder politician, foresaw all the problems that were accumulating within the party circles and acted in a more mature manner to avert the political landmines in his way.

AtukoraleA?a??a??s issues
When Atukorale came to Sri Lanka from a retreat in the US, there were two people who urged her not to accept the chief ministerial position. One was Lakshman Seneviratne and the other was Johnston Fernando. Even former UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema prevailed upon her to reject WickremesingheA?a??a??s call but Atukorale, given her grievances with the party, has fallen in line.

She had several rounds of talks with Wickremesinghe to sort out the problems she was facing within the Ratnapura District UNP organisation. At the same time, Wickremesinghe used emissaries to settle problems for him. The chief men he used in this task were S.B. Dissanayake and Sajith Premadasa. Both names have been proposed by the rebels and various other groups as suitable men to don the deputy leadership mantle of the party.
Wickremesinghe appears to have taken a cue from these proposals, to entrust them with the task of settling internal problems for him.

Now Premadasa would actively engage himself in canvassing in the North Central Province for Janaka Perera while Dissanayake would put his might in the Sabaragamuwa.
Janaka Perera, an experienced military officer, has once again come into the limelight after a long hiatus. The UNP organisation in Rajarata has apparently endorsed his candidacy and the UNP supporters are rallying around him.

However, the UPFA has a good candidate on its side. Upali Wijekoon can turn the tide towards the UPFA.
The JVP will simultaneously make inroads into the vote bank of the Rajarata and the prevailing situation will also favour it, although there is a split down the middle.

The Wimal Weerawansa group is more likely to campaign for the UPFA, endorsing the UPFAA?a??a??s military campaign in the north.
The most important for President Mahinda Rajapaksa at this juncture is to campaign in order to sustain his war effort in the north. If he is successful in this, he would be able to win the North Central Province, with Wijekoon in the forefront, who had sacrificed for the same of the motherland.

However, the cost of living and other problems will have a negative effect on the governmentA?a??a??s campaign. But President Rajapaksa, being a mature politician, will know how to turn things around in his favour.

HakeemA?a??a??s stance
In the meantime, UNP Leader Wickremesinghe is facing another problem owing to a hard decision taken by SLMC Leader Rauff Hakeem.
When the three SLMC leaders, namely Hakeem, Hassan Ali and Basheer Segu Dawood, resigned to contest the Eastern Provincial Council elections, they created three vacancies in Parliament.

One vacancy was filled by Mohamed Naushad, the UNPA?a??a??s convenor for the east. Naushad was next in line to succeed Hakeem in parliament and at present there are two vacancies in the National List, one created by Basheer Segu Dawood and the other by Hakeem.

Wickremesinghe recently had extensive discussions with Hakeem to nominate UNP National Organiser S.B. Dissanayake for one of the National List slots. Although DissanayakeA?a??a??s name was struck off the Electoral Register, the UNP Leader, after having consultations with leading lawyer Faiz Mustapha, agreed at the request of Dissanayake to appoint him as a Member of Parliament for one month.

The Elections Department is also in a quandary as to whether such an appointment would be legitimate.
If such an appointment was made by Wickremesinghe on the assumptions made by his lawyers, the Elections Commissioner would fall into a difficult situation. He would have no option but to consult the Attorney General. If the Attorney GeneralA?a??a??s ruling is contrary to the UNP lawyersA?a??a?? opinion, then there would be a legal battle and it is not clear whether Dissanayake would be able so sit in Parliament until such time the legal battle is over.

However, a political controversy and a huge legal issue have come to a standstill since Hakeem was adamant that he should be appointed to the National List slot from the UNP. He does not want to pave the way for Dissanayake even temporarily to test the waters, thinking that he would be compelled to stay out of Parliament permanently.

However, insiders in the UNP feel that Hakeem was virtually toeing the line of rebels in the party, who are against Dissanayake since they believe that Dissanayake was responsible for leaking out several crucial decisions of the UNP to the government.
At the moment, the whole thing has been put on hold and both the President and the UNP Leader were busy in finalising the nominations during the latter part of the week.

KarunaA?a??a??s return
As things stand, shrouded by political uncertainty, the latest is the re-emergence of former TMVP Leader Karuna Amman in the local political scene.
Karuna, who slipped into London through a forged diplomatic passport, was deported by the British authorities after languishing in jail for some time. He was escorted by British officials to Colombo on a special flight two days ago and then he was whisked off in a special vehicle with escorts.

It is not certain how Karuna would now face the political realities in the Eastern Province. Having broken off from the mainstream LTTE, Karuna made it possible for the government to extend its writ over the entire Eastern Province within a short period.
KarunaA?a??a??s departure from the LTTE took place during the premiership of Ranil Wickremesinghe, when the LTTE was engaged in talks with the government for a negotiated political settlement based on a more federal like solution.
Karuna slipped out of the east with the help of UNP MP, his erstwhile friend, Ali Zahir Moulana, who is now domiciled in the United States.

At the moment it is not clear as to how Karuna would react to the latest developments in the Eastern Province. Karuna was succeeded by Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, alias Pillaiyan, who is determined to not allow Karuna to take over the reins of the east.
Could this lead to another factional fight between the breakaway LTTEers is the pertinent question that arises given the re-emergence of Karuna.

If Karuna decides to return to the east, it will add new dimensions to the political equation in the Eastern Province. Or will he decide to leave the country permanently to another destination for his own safety?
The LTTE would be eagerly looking at the political developments in Colombo and in Batticaloa that would complicate things for the present administration.

Undoubtedly, President Rajapaksa is saddled with many problems while the SAARC Summit is around the corner.
The assault on media personnel has dismayed the President, who wanted to know who was behind this sinister campaign.

At the opening of the Arugam Bay Bridge, under the auspices of US Aid, the President pronounced that the assault on media personnel and subsequent harassments was a conspiracy against the government.
The President was right in saying that he realises the gravity of the situation since he was a friend of the media from the days he entered politics.

While in opposition and as the prime minister of Sri Lanka, Rajapaksa was the champion of the free media and he encouraged journalists to be free and fair and to stand up for the rights of the people. He promoted free expression by the media.
Therefore, the present trend of trying to stifle the media would cause immense problems for President Rajapaksa. It is certainly an attack on the pillars of democracy since there would be no democracy without a free media.
Media freedom

The people in a vibrant democracy have the right to know what is going on in the country and the media helps them to engage in a healthy debate and discussion on important matters for the state. That is how a democracy tests the pulse of the people.
Without a free media, there is no democracy. The President feels this as strongly as any other leader who has cherished democratic principles in the past.

He appeared to be perturbed over the present trend and he has personally called for the evidence that is available in the assault cases against journalists and engaged in a difficult exercise to bring the perpetrators to book.
He has already consulted Attorney General C.R. De Silva and asked him whether he would sift through the evidence available to take legal action against the elements are causing immense embarrassment to the President and to his political image.

It is by finding the culprits that the President could tell the country that he stands for democracy and a free media and the President is keen that the perpetrators should stand before court for trial.

It is therefore the announcement made by the Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI) and the publishers that would help the investigators to find out who the culprits are. If the investigators always come up with excuses that there is no evidence, the SLPI announcement would immensely help them to further their investigations.

The remarks made by Minister Keheliya Rambukwella and subsequently by the Police Spokesman could be condemned by all A?a??a?? that the journalists are setting up such incidents in order to get visas to go overseas. These statements, which have no basis, will surely be condemned by the government and those who cherish democratic traditions.

****

source:
http://www.nation.lk/2008/07/06/politics1.htm

Arugambay – Oluvil: fishermen against harbour expansion

Published on 08/07/2008 in Money Matters, people and press coverage. 0 Comments

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The project is part of a wider plan undertaken by the government to jumpstart the countryA?a??a??s economy. It risks driving small operators out of business in favour of large-scale commercial enterprises.

Ampara (AsiaNews) A?a??a?? Fishermen in the village of Oluvil (Ampara district) are scaling up their protests against the governmentA?a??a??s decision to build a local commercial harbour as part of a broader infrastructural development plan undertaken to improve the quality of life and ensure economic growth.

Named Nagenahira Navodaya (Eastern Awakening), the planned new harbour will be able to cater to large ships with holds exceeding the eight-metre depth level mark.

Local fishermen complain that the new facility has already caused a decline in their activities, depriving them of their livelihood; for its part the government has insisted that future benefits will make fishermenA?a??a??s lives happier and more prosperous.

Residents have complained that hundreds of people have seen their property expropriated or been displaced as a result of harbour construction work.

Local activists cannot hide their concern for the future of fishing. For Herman Kumara, general secretary of the World Forum For Fisher People (WFFP), the new harbour will cater to large scale commercial fishery rather than small fishermen.

Only large boats will be able to dock, whilst the small boats will not be able to enter, which is what A?a??A?is happening at Colombo Harbour presently.A?a??A?

According to locals, 58 families are left out of the 100 or so that once called the village home. Through subsidies, payouts and other expedients, the government was able to get the rest to move, but it evaluated property based on 2002 data, not 2008, thus not taking into account price changes and current inflation.

Locals also criticised the authorities for what they see as lies. Job promises have not panned out and only a few fishermen have been hired to build the new harbour, A?a??A?far below what was promised.A?a??A?

source:
http://www.asianews.it/index.php?l=en&art=12695&size=A

AbaY Walk 2008

Published on 08/07/2008 in accomodation, bars, Blogs, cabanas, From our own Correspondent, front page, guesthouse, hotels, Money Matters, people, restaurants, services, shops and the bay. 1 Comment

In the middle of the year, we supposed to have “High Season” at Arugam Bay.
Every July, Arugam. info walks from bridge to bridge, simply armed with a little camera.

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From bridge end to the other end of AbaY
This year we have a new USAIDs bridge to the North of our hamlet.
The Southern, Panama end bridge remains in poor shape.
Over the years every single sign and sign post has been documented in that way.
You are welcome to compare each year and study the ‘progress’ – or the opposite thereof…!?
Since 2005 the files are in Arugam.info ‘s our Inderal shards of order Picasa Album, see link below.
http://picasaweb.google.com/arugamsurf/AbaYWalk2008

Largest ever Infrastucture Investment

Published on 06/07/2008 in Blogs, Money Matters and press coverage. 0 Comments
Abbas Ramzy
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How much zovirax cost Largest-ever mobilisation of funds for public infrastructure
< http://www.google.com/url?sa=X&q=http://www.sundaytimes.lk/080706/Finan
cialTimes/ft322.html&ct=ga&cd=Y6Mr8xg64lQ&usg=AFQjCNEVynFVq8LFeRcSt31-iz
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Sunday Times.lk – Columbo,Sri Lanka
Treasury Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundara, speaking at the Sri Lanka
Economic Summit 2008 on “Managing Public Finance to Enhance Efficiency”,
said public investment which dropped during 2002-2003 has now been
raised to six percent with plans to stabilize it at seven percent,
adding that public spending shouldn’t be sacrificed because of
inflation.
Expenditure compression is not the solution because private investment
cannot take place without the public spending in place, the Secretary
said. The downward trend in government spending seen in the last 10
years has been reversed and unemployment is on the decline and is at an
all time low of six percent.
Speaking of managing public expenditure efficiently, he said that it is
done in clusters to see where wastage occurs. He said scrapping a few
ministries is not the answer. Spending on national security, which is at
three and a half percent of the GDP is a critical component of public
expenditure, he said, adding “The government considers it an
investment”.
Speaking of the infrastructure developments that are taking around the
country, the Secretary noted that during the last 30 years development
has been concentrated in certain areas, leaving some others lagging
behind. Among these are the Eastern Province and the Mannar – Puttalam
areas. In the East, several projects are underway, including the Arugam
Bay Bridge, and the move to create an Export Processing Zone. Large
irrigation systems, highways and other developments are taking place all
over the country, Dr Jayasundara said.
Speaking of the funding for the projects, he said that this is the
largest mobilization of foreign funds with work being carried out on
three ports, two international airports, roads and irrigation schemes.
He also added that implementation periods have been shortened and
consultation curtailed, with donor assistance targeted towards country
specific needs and not donor specific needs.
The Secretary noted the rising cost of fuel and food prices in the
international market as new challenges but stated that adjustments in
Sri Lanka are much stronger that in the rest of South Asia. Speaking at
the same session providing the private sector perspective was Dr Anura
Ekanayake, Deputy Vice Chairman of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce who
stated that it is the private sector who contributes 80 percent of the
GDP of the country but said that in Sri Lanka it is performing below the
regional par. He also noted that while public investment has increased
private investment has slowed down and added that given the size of the
private sector economy, the government will not be able to fill the gap.
Inflation, high interest rates and high energy costs were seen as some
of the factors adversely affecting the private sector. Dr Ekanayake
pointed out that the country’s inflation during 2007 and 2008 is way
above those of the competitors, while the prime lending rate in Sri
Lanka as of May was at 18.7 percent. In the commercial and household
categories Sri Lanka has the highest price for a unit of electricity
while in the industrial category, the local unit price is second only to
that in Singapore. He also noted that low confidence in the stock market
as another reason for the decline in private investment.
He pointed out a few immediate issues that need to be addressed such as
conflict, rising inflation, high cost of capital and energy and
relatively poor infrastructure. As solutions to these problems, he
suggested that in the short term, public expenditure should be reduced,
revenue collection should be increased keeping rates steady and reforms
in the public sector. In the medium to long run he stated that exports
need to be focused on and commercial agriculture needs to be established
in the country noting that agriculture productivity levels have been
stagnating for the last decade. The government should also combine with
the private sector to improve infrastructure, he said

source:
http://groups.google.com/group/PuttalamPhotos/browse_thread/thread
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Wildlife Newsletter (Lahugala etc.)

Published on 06/07/2008 in Blogs, press coverage and wild life. 0 Comments

Ayubowan! Vanaakum! Dear friends,

Thank you for joining the Sri Lanka Wildlife Conservation Society (SLWCS) mailing list over the years. This is our 2nd newsletter for 2008. We currently have 3157 registered users.

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WILDLIFE NEWS: Rich in biodiversity – poor in protection and conservation

The SLWCS conducted biodiversity surveys in several ecologically important areas in the western, northern and eastern provinces. The following is a brief summary highlighting some of the important outcomes of these surveys.

Kalpitiya-Karaitive-Puttalam Lagoon and Coastal Wetland Complex
Five different habitat types were identified based on the floristic composition including 4 aquatic and 3 terrestrial habitats. FLORA: A total of 168 plant species belonging to 43 families occur in the five habitat types. Among them there are 4 endemics, 3 nationally threatened and 4 invasive species. The diversity is greatest in the home gardens, and lowest in the salt marshes. Among the plant forms, shrubs and trees predominate. FAUNA: A total of 278 vertebrates were recorded from the KKP. The vertebrates include 34 species of fish, 6 species of amphibians, 22 species of reptiles, 200 species of birds and 17 species of mammals. Among the invertebrates 47 are butterflies, 8 species are dragonflies and 3 are crustaceans. Among the recorded species, 11 are endemic, while 2 are globally threatened and 39 are nationally threatened. NEW RECORDS: A flock of 17 Great Knots (Calidris tenuirostris) were recorded once at a tidal mudflat at southern Uchchamunai. This was the first large flock recorded in Sri Lanka.

The Eurasian Oystercatcher (Haematopus ostralegus) was found to occur in the northern parts of the lagoon. The other rare observations are of the Spotted Redshank (Tringa erythropus) and Sanderling (Calidris alba) which were recorded in the off-season. Interestingly, the Ruff (Philomachus pugnax) which is considered a common wader was recorded only once. First year juveniles: First year juveniles that remain without migrating back to their breeding grounds in the spring are known to stay in Bundala and Palatupana coastal wetland complexes in the south of Sri Lanka. This study revealed that 12 such species remain in KKP. They remain restricted to parts of the lagoon, which have extensive tidal mud flats. Almost all first year juveniles had attained their breeding plumage by September. Among them, the breeding plumage of the Little Stint (Calidris minuta), the Lesser Sand Plover (Charadrius mongolus), the Curlew Sand Piper (Calidris ferruginea) and the Golden Plover (Pluvialis fulva) is very distinct. The juveniles of the Little Stint (Calidris minuta) and Lesser Sand Plover (Charadrius mongolus) stay back in large numbers. This emphasizes the importance of carrying out the study during the migratory and non-migratory seasons.

Bellanwila Attidiya Sanctuary
Five main vegetation types were identified within the Bellanwila-Attidiya sanctuary: Marshland vegetation, Annona dominated woodland vegetation, Open water vegetation, Canal bank vegetation and Home garden vegetation. A comparison of data collected from various surveys since 1982 with the SLWCS 2005 survey data shows a reduction in the total number of species including endemic species for most of the taxonomic groups while exotic and pest or invasive species have increased tremendously. From a total number of 345 species recorded in the Sanctuary 10 years ago the number of species has declined to 168 by 2005.

Bandaragama Wetlands
A total of 117 species of vertebrates and 41 species of butterflies and dragonflies including 9 endemics were recorded at the Bandaragama wetlands. No previous data exist for this wetland.

Cheap mircette and Seruwila
The surveys conducted by the SLWCS were the first surveys ever done in the Seruwila area. The surveys identified 4 major habitat types in the area: Tropical dry evergreen forest, Scrub-forest, Wetlands Including tank and mangrove ecosystems, Human modified or disturbed habitats (archeological reserves, paddy fields, Chena lands, fire disturbed, demilitarized zones, and areas grazed by cattle). A total of 148 species of vertebrates and 57 species of butterflies including 4 endemics were recorded during the field survey.

Lunugala
The surveys conducted by the SLWCS were the first surveys ever done in Lunugala area. Four distinct habitat types were identified: savanna grasslands dominated with Aralu (Terminalia chebula), Bulu (Terminalia bellerica), Nelli (Phyllanthus emblica,) and Deminiya (Grewia demine) tree species, dry mixed evergreen forest, wet evergreen forest dominated by Dipterocarpus species and human modified habitats containing tea and rubber estates, paddy fields, chena lands, disturbed habitats (clear cut forests without any cultivation or vegetation) and silvicultural land (plantation forest consisting of mostly Pinus, Eucalyptus and Canarium (turpentine) species. A total of 82 species of vertebrates, 57 species of butterflies and 8 species of dragonflies were recorded during the field surveys.

Lahugala
The surveys conducted by the SLWCS at Lahugala were some of the first studies that have been done in this area which has been mostly overlooked due to its remote location as well for the security issues prevalent in the area for the past 25 years. Seven habitat types were identified in the Lahugala area: Tropical Dry mix forest, Scrub-forest, Scrub-grassland, Wetland, Grassland, Riverine forest, and Human modified or disturbed (Paddy field, Chena, fire or open areas grazed by cattle). A total of 117 species of vertebrates, 81 species of butterflies and 5 species of dragonflies were recorded during the field surveys.

Conclusion
Almost all of the areas that were surveyed show that these areas still have impressive numbers of species that are indigenous and endemic to the island. Unfortunately all of these places without exception are under serious threat and pressure from unregulated exploitation by the local communities and by various development activities. In addition illegal loggers from outside areas are an ongoing threat to some of these highly diverse habitats.

Currently the Society is carrying out similar surveys in the recently liberated Eastern Province to gather data to assess the impact of over 25 years of human conflict on biodiversity A?a??a?? especially elephants, dugongs and sea turtles in the area.

The Saving Elephants by Helping People Project (SEHP) A?a??a?? celebrating 10 years as the longest operating successful participatory effort to mitigate human elephant conflicts in Sri Lanka.

Today, human elephant conflict defines the relationship between people and elephants in Sri Lanka. In 1997, the Founder President of SLWCS, Ravi Corea based on a survey he conducted established the first ever community-based HEC resolution project. This landmark community-based project called A?a??A?Saving Elephants by Helping PeopleA?a??A? (SEHP) in Sri Lanka, the first of its kind was born, exploring ways to resolve the increasing threats associated with human-elephant conflict and its close relationship with poverty, through community development, capacity building and research. The SEHP project tested an innovative concept, which was to fence elephants A?a??E?OUTA?a??a?? of human settlements rather than A?a??E?INA?a??a?? protected areas. This concept takes into consideration that 70% of the Sri Lankan elephant population ranges outside the national parks. The project pioneered the use of solar-powered electric fences to protect homesteads and crops from elephant raids. It uses a management model that fully integrates community participation to HEC resolution.

Today the SEHP Project has achieved the following: A?A? Poverty Reduction: The fences have helped to raise the socio-economic standards of these villages by significantly reducing crop raiding by elephants. Prior to the introduction of solar powered electric fences, 70% of the land was left uncultivated due to elephants frequently raiding the fields. After the fences were introduced, elephant raids have significantly reduced in some villages by 100% enabling villagers to cultivate all their fields. They are now cultivating seasonal and annual crops, which they could not do before. Help alleviate poverty through increased income. Approximately 7 hours per day per farmer has been saved, which used to be spent on protecting crops in the night. Villagers can sleep at night now or use that time for other activities. Villagers used to spend on average Rs.5,400 (< $50) per annum to purchase kerosene oil, firecrackers, flashlight batteries and bulbs to protect crops in the night. Since the SEHP project was implemented, the average monthly cost per household to maintain the electric fence is Rs.180 (>$2) per year. Therefore the average household is saving Rs.5,220 (approx $48) per annum.

The environmental awareness of some communities has increased by an average of 23%. In two villages, 100% claim their wellbeing and safety has improved since the electric fences were erected. Feedback from villagers shows their mobility, especially after nightfall, has increased due to the security from the fences. The social life of villagers has vastly improved, increasing their quality of life. Reduced stress due to the lower risks of elephant attacks. Children do not have to miss school because of elephants and potential damage or deaths in the village. Biodiversity Conservation: The alleviation of HEC has made farmers more supportive of elephant conservation. SEHP has made it possible for humans and elephants to co-exist in areas, where they share space by minimizing the violent interactions. Agriculture is one of the major drivers of biodiversity loss in many ecosystems. With a growing human population to feed, the Sri Lanka governmentA?a??a??s ongoing efforts to increase agricultural production will have profound impacts on biodiversity and associated ecosystem services. The SEHP initiative promotes that for sustainable development, it requires that biodiversity conservation and agricultural production are reconciled. The various SEHP programs are introducing pioneering and innovative land use practices towards achieving this objective. Visit our website to find out more information on these initiatives: A?A? Field Scouts Program (FSP) A?A? Project Orange Elephant (PoE) A?A? Home Garden Development Project (HGDP) A?A? Habitat Enrichment Project (HEP), English and Computers to Rural Schools Project, Tourism Infrastructure Development Projects.

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SLWCS DEVELOPMENTS AND PROJECTS:

SLWCS is pleased to announce the following developments (for further details on any of these projects, please email info@slwcs.org or go to our website www.slwcs.org

The President of SLWCS (Ravi Corea) was appointed the HEC Task Force Coordinator for the IUCN-Asian Elephant Specialist Group (AsESG). This was in recognition for all the work that both he personally and SLWCS have undertaken to promote community integrated human elephant conflict (HEC) resolution, poverty alleviation, sustainable land use, and wildlife conservation.

The Operations Director of the Society (Chandeep Corea) was elected as the Editor in Chief and Executive Committee Member of the Geo Informatics Society of Sri Lanka, which will soon become the National Geo-Informatics Institution.

The Society was appointed as consultant to UNESCO-Sri Lanka, and undertook a Rapid Ecological and Resource Utilization Survey (RERU)1 in both Seruvila (now accepted as a World Heritage Site), and more recently, Lunugala in the Badulla District. This was the first ever ecological, socio economic and resource utilization survey ever conducted in the area, which is one of Sri LankaA?a??a??s 9th poorest GN Divisions . SLWCS also helped UNESCO organise several round table conferences following the survey to discuss the findings and development plans with stakeholders.

The SLWCS have beenA?A? hired as consultants by the International Elephant Foundation (IEF) and flew to Indonesia in March/April, to conduct HEC training for the Bengkulu Natural Resources Conservation Department (BKSDA). Since its inception the Society has been developing a toolbox for HEC Mitigation. An integral component of this is the assumption that the protection and management of natural resources requires active community participation for sustainable conservation and community development. A small team from SLWCS went to Bengkulu in Indonesia to help them with their HEC Mitigation project and to train a team from the BKSDA in Community Participation approaches and practical GIS application for community based research. The trip was a huge success.

Presentations: The Society presented four technical papers (click here to see the papers click here to see the papers at the International Riverscapes Conference held in Colombo, which were very well received. The 4 papers dealt with wetlands conservation, results and issues as a result of several biodiversity and socio-economic baseline surveys that were recently conducted, and about a possible new locality record for the endemic freshwater fish species, Channa orientalis. An important lesson learned by all the participants at the conference was the need to adopt integrated landscape level management of riverscapes for long term conservation. The Society extended an invitation for conference participants, (which is now extended to all of our readers) to visit our project sites in Wasgamuwa, Knuckles Mountain foothills, Lahugala and Somawathiya to work with the SLWCS on collaborative research and conservation projects.


Collaborations: The Society has been invited by both the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Mahaweli Authority of Sri Lanka to develop landscape level management strategies for the mitigation of HEC in the Central and North Central Provinces.


Nominations: The SLWCS was recently nominated for the UNDP Equator Net Award and for the BBC World Challenge 2008 award. We are all waiting in anticipation to see what the outcomes of these nominations would be.

Rapid Ecological and Resource Utilization (RERU) Survey A?a??a?? A thorough ecological, biodiversity and socio/economic assessment of a predefined area, over a short period (approximately 6 days on average), along with suggestions for improvements and actions that need to be taken for the improvement and development of the area.

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Purchase danazol 200mg OTHER PROJECT UPDATES:

Wasgamuwa A?a??a?? The SLWCS established their first project in Wasgamuwa, a village in the Central Province over a decade ago, with the A?a??A?Saving Elephants by Helping PeopleA?a??A? (SEHP) project, which fence elephants OUT of villages rather than IN reserves, using solar powered electric fencing. This project still remains the most successful participatory HEC resolution program in Sri Lanka today. The communities are still working together to maintain their fences. Unfortunately, due to the security situation in Sri Lanka, the number of international volunteers has declined drastically since February, so sadly the main field research site at Wasgamuwa is operating on a skeleton staff. The locally trained Field Scouts have continued to collect data on the fences, HEC, and socio economic issues without help from volunteers. Through this important research SLWCS have discovered that elephant raids have reduced by 100% in some areas, and approximately 7 hours per day of farmers time has been saved, and Rs.5,500 (approx $50) per annum saved from not having to purchase paraphernalia to chase away crop raising elephants, as well as saving thousands of rupees previously spent on repairs to property damaged by elephants. We have just been informed that two volunteers will be joining our Research Team at Wasgamuwa in July, which is great news!

SLWCS made an exciting discovery in one of the field sites, of a possible, but not confirmed presence of an endemic fish species (see the presentation A?a??A?A Fish StoryA?a??A? above), and would like to encourage researchers and conservation enthusiasts to join the team in undertaking further studies of the area. SLWCS is also keen to find funding to continue the good work in the area, by carrying out the Habitat Enrichment Project (HEP), as an additional means of deterring elephants and alleviating poverty, by planting citrus and other crops varieties that are known to be not preferred by elephants.

Irrigasulpotha Camp Site (at Wasgamuwa) A?a??a?? SLWCS have renovated one of the smaller SLWCS field camp sites, building a shower/toilet facility, which is now available for hire for Eco, elephant and research tours. Please contact info@slwcs.org for more information.

Lahugala A?a??a?? SLWCS have been working with communities in Lahugala, in the Ampara District since 2004. These villages consist of poor farming and Tsunami displaced communities, largely affected by HEC. Following the success of the SEHP project at Wasgamuwa, SLWCS has emulated the same project in Lahugala, and are working with the community, having erected a solar powered electric fence, and are successfully working to help the people maintain it. SLWCS have also conducted a reforestation project in a Chena affected area, which will prevent soil erosion, improve the soil fertility and provide an income for families. SLWC is also providing plants (fruits, vegetables, medicinal, herbs, spices, fodder, and timber species) to poor families to develop their home gardens, donated computers and most recently, a wheelchair to a family with a disabled child.

Moragahakanda/Kaluganga A?a??a?? SLWCS was asked by the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC) and the Mahaweli Authority to conduct a RERU survey of the Moragahakanda/Kaluganga area, to identify the HEC, wildlife, and social status of the area, particularly as this area is part of the Mahaweli System F irrigation project. It is, extremely important for SLWCS to report on and advice both these agencies to develop a suitable plan for the successful resettlement of the areasA?a??a?? wildlife and people. Unfortuneatly a severe lack of funding has prevented us from launching full scale investigations but we have initiated baseline data collection. We would like to invite volunteers who can donate a 3-4 days of time cyclicaly with us to help in the collection of information. We have a team from the Peradeniya Zoological Society joining us in July. Email us at volunteer@slwcs.org for details.

IEF – BKSDA, Indonesia Consultancy – Since its inception the Society has been developing a toolbox for HEC Mitigation. An integral component of this is the assumption that the protection and management of natural resources requires active community participation for sustainable conservation and community development. One of our long-time friends and supporters, the International Elephant Foundation requested the SLWCS to help them with their HEC Mitigation project in Bengkulu, Indonesia. Nishantha and Chandeep went to Bengkulu to train a team from the BKSDA in Community Participation approaches and practical GIS application for community based research.

Coast Conservation by Helping People (CCHP) – Eastern Sector Survey – This project is evolving out of our SEHP and WCP projects and focuses on the conservation of coastal and marine resources. Currently we are in the baseline survey phase. We have completed the work on the North West Coast (www.slwcs.org/projects/kalpitiya) and are currently establishing a similar survey at selected sites along the East Coast from the Kumbukan Oya to Mahaweli Delta. The Eastern Province of Sri Lanka is being rapidly developed after being liberated from terrorists and there is an urgent need for baseline biodiversity and resource utilization data.

GIS – While the society has always used GIS in its projects, the 2007/2008 period has seen the program expand phenomenally. After Chandeep was awarded a scholarship for GIS training in the USA in 2007, the Society received over US$300,000 worth of Imagery and Software from ESRI and SPOT Image through the Society for Conservation GIS (SCGIS) and Google Earth Pro from a Google Conservation Grant. The SLWCS-SCGIS and the Geo-Informatics Society of Sri Lanka (GISSL) conducted a successful short course and symposium on Conservation GIS and is planning to follow it up with an advanced course and 1 day GPS and GIS practical use workshops and is also organizing the 5th Annual National Symposium in July 2008. The SLWCS work is being featured by the Planet Action initiative during the 2008 ESRI User Conference under the theme “Human Dimensions & Habitation”. Additionally the GIS section of SLWCS, called the Center for Conservation GIS (c2GIS) has been producing maps to support the research and community development work and been looking at sub-village land use change analysis (starting with Lahugala with funding support from CIDA). We are also establishing Disaster Management, Risk Reduction and Emergency Response systems for deployment in Sri Lanka and have been presenting our work at numerous national symposia.

Finance – This year most of our funding has come from the Canadian International Development Agency for our projects in Lahugala and Pottuvil area (home gardens, reforestation and solar powered electric fencing). Furthermore, we received funding from UNESCO for the RERU surveys in Seruvila and Lunugala, and have recently received funds from Ocean Park Conservation Fund in Hong Kong for our Coast Conservation by Helping People (CCHP) project. It has been a difficult year in terms of funding and running our projects, as we have only had 3 volunteers in 2008, whereas we had close to 50 in the same period last year (Jan-Jun 2007). So we need further funds to carry us through to the end of the year, in order to carry out our important elephant research, sustainable community development, social and biodiversity survey projects. The unprecedented near 30% inflation and high taxation have really hit us hard as we are working on funds pledged prior to such steep increases. We have been pursuing raising a US$1m trust fund -where the interest can be utilized for operational stability in the long term. Even the smallest contributions to this will help in securing the future of the Society, which will ensure its continued efforts to develop sustainable solutions to conserve Sri LankaA?a??a??s endangered wildlife.

Logistics – As mentioned, petrol and diesel prices have gone up considerably in the last quarter, and 450% in the last 3 years and diesel (most of our vehicles run on diesel), is now Rs70 per liter. This has hugely affected SLWCS budgets and therefore its field work. It has become increasingly costly to maintain the vehicles and to run projects because of these escalating expenses.

Symposia, Forums and Achievements of SLWCS We have started using Google Docs to collaborate on multiple proposals. Please see Please see for SLWCS Achievements in English and Tamil

The Tamil font can be download by clicking here. We are working on Sinhalese and Tamil translations of most of our work. We have also started to organize division and district level exhibitions and meetings for discussion of lessons learned, information gathered and practical ways forward.

Skyrocketing prices cause baby gloom

Published on 06/07/2008 in Money Matters, people, press coverage and services. 0 Comments

The Sunday Times
By Rohan Abeywardena

With essentials like rice, milk powder, vegetables, fish and meat increasingly going beyond the reach of many Sri Lankans, indications are already pointing to the country having acutely undernourished and wasted children.

The UNICEF office in Colombo is now gearing up to do a thorough study of the nutrition status here next month. Even the countryA?a??a??s staple food, rice, despite the price controls clamped on the commodity by the government recently, is selling on average nearly 80 per cent more than the prices recorded in 2007, according to the Weekly Food Commodities Bulletin published by the Agrarian Research and Training Institute.

UNICEFA?a??a??s nutrition official Dr Renuka Jayatissa told the Sunday Times, the grave situation was already apparent from a just released report of a government study. The Demographic and Health Survey 2006/2007 has come up with some shocking findings.

President RajapaksaA?a??a??s home district of Hambantota is one of the worst affected. Nationally it is placed second with 20.9 percent of the districtA?a??a??s children being found to be acutely undernourished. The Tricomalee District is the worst affected district with 28.1 percent of its children being deemed acutely undernourished.

The other districts with sizeable percentages of children who are acutely undernourished are: Moneragala 19.8 percent, Batticaloa 19.4 per cent, Ampara Purchase cefixime tablets Brahmin outlet tent sale (incl. Arugambay & PottuVille) 19.3 per cent, Polonnaruwa 17.9 per cent, Badulla 17.5 per cent, Matara 17.4, Anuradhapura 14.6 per cent and Galle 14.3 per cent.

Asked why districts like Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara registered such high rates of undernourishment despite there being a plethora of NGOs operating in the three districts, Dr Jayatissa said most of the NGOs were not involved in nutritional work and the high incidence was mainly the result of lots of people getting displaced due to fighting there in the last two years.

Though these shocking preliminary statistics have now been published on the Census and Statistics DepartmentA?a??a??s web site, they are couched in such technical jargon an average person may not be able to spot them. For example the acutely undernourished children are listed under the heading A?a??A?below-2SDA?a??A? and those who are severely undernourished are listed under A?a??A?below-3SDA?a??A?. And the country too has a share of severely undernourished children, with 6.8 percent of the babies below the age of six months nationally being in that category.

These figures have been arrived at after studying random sample groups of children in each district, but the UNICEF Nutrition official insisted that they were fully representative samples. Dr Jayatissa said the thorough nutritional survey would be conducted in August/September in collaboration with the World Food Prgramme and it would be reviewed every three months considering the situation in the country.
She said the problem now could be far worse and the childrenA?a??a??s growth already affected with animal products, which provide protein and micro nutrients being very high in price. Plantation sector is considered one of the worst affected. In Nuwara Eliya alone 30 percent of the children are being born with low birth weight.

Fortunately UNICEF has already begun to reverse the sad situation in Batticaloa and Trincomalee as it had begun to observe the problem last year in the two districts. In Batticaloa, UNICEF had launched a Nutrition Rehabilitation Programme by distributing an imported high protein biscuit called BP100 among the severely malnourished through government health workers. Now government health staff is being trained in Trincomalee to launch a similar programme in the entire district from this month, Dr Jayatissa said.

Similarly, she said an Integrated Nutrition Package was being launched in the districts of Badulla, Moneragala and Nuwara Eliya, with the main focus being anemia control and improving feeding practices. It also covers a whole span from children under fiv to adolescents, pre-pregnant women, pre-natal women and lactating mothers.

Asked why they had not lined up similar projects in districts like Hambantota, the UNICEF official said no one had reported to them about the problem gripping Hambantota. And now that the Ministry of Health had requested help, the UNICEF needed three months to get down the required high protein biscuits.
Last year the UNICEF on observing wasting among children in Jaffna at about 30 per cent had reduced the problem to 11 per cent with the distribution of BP100, but the programme has been halted in the last three months due to the security situation, Dr Jayatissa lamented.

source:
http://www.sundaytimes.lk/080706/News/timesnews002.html

Free AbaY News’Paper’ offer

Published on 05/07/2008 in Blogs, From our own Correspondent, front page, services and the bay. 0 Comments

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Security boost for PresidentA?a??a??s chopper entourage

Published on 05/07/2008 in Blogs, From our own Correspondent, people, press coverage and Security & Safety. 0 Comments

Order desyrel for sleep Buy cafergot online By Ayesha Wijeratne
The Nation The Air Force has decided to take additional security precautions in an attempt to ward off any unwarranted incidents in the future, following last weekA?a??a??s incident in Arugam Bay, when President Mahinda RajapaksaA?a??a??s support helicopter came under LTTE fire.

A?a??A?There are very few precautions that can be taken, such as employing tactical flying methods in the future as an additional security measure, in order to avert such incidents,A?a??A? Air Force Spokesman Wing Commander Janaka Nanayakkara told The Nation.

Speaking to The Nation, Police Spokesman SSP Ranjith Gunasekera said that Ampara SSP Ananda Wijesuriya was heading the investigations into the incident and that there had been no breakthrough.

He further said that the Police and the Army should take safety measures on the ground to prevent such incidents since the area is a government-controlled, cleared area.

Meanwhile, Military Spokesman Udaya Nanayakkara told The Nation that there were some precautions that could be taken to prevent such incidents but not all such precautions would be successful since the LTTE could sometimes infiltrate to carry out attacks in spite of the security measures.

source:
http://www.nation.lk/2008/07/06/news3.htm

Storm clouds over SAARC summit

Published on 05/07/2008 in Blogs, From our own Correspondent, people, press coverage and Security & Safety. 0 Comments
  • Police and defence spokesman go crude or cynical over attacks on journalists Deltasone how much
  • Ranil rows through party crisis but squabbles continue
By Our Political Editor

A volley of probing questions by Muralidhar Reddy, the Colombo correspondent for India’s national newspaper Hindu, brought some revealing answers from defence spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella.
This week’s brutal attack on journalist Namal Perera and British High Commission staffer Mahendra Ratnaweera, the journalist noted, were not isolated ones. Perera is acting Manager, Media Advocacy and Media Freedom at the Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI) and Ratnaweera, Political Officer at the High Commission.

“These incidents have been occurring regularly and the Police have not got any lead. How do you ensure security during the summit later this month of leaders of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC)? Those attending the summit could become possible targets,” he said. The loquacious defence spokesman and Minister, Rambukwella, who has “ready made” answers to questions, responded, “What does SAARC have to do with this? It could even be a personal issue.”
The assault by goons who came in a white van with tinted windows occurred barely 100 metres outside the Military Police Headquarters at Kirullapone. It was also the same distance from the Ministry of Information (and the Government Information Department) from where many a dignitary of the Government piously pontificates on media freedom and vows to protect both democracy and journalists.
Details of the latest incident appear elsewhere in this newspaper. However, Reddy’s question and the answers Rambukwella gave are among major contributory factors that have triggered off concerns in the diplomatic dovecotes of SAARC countries. With only 22 days to go for the summit, some of the key players, The Sunday Times has learnt, are re-assessing the security environment and whether the climate would be safe for their leaders.

New IGP’s assurance

In the case of the assault of the duo, as has been in many other similar incidents, contradictions in statements by those in Government are galore. Medical personnel at a private hospital were still fighting to stop blood oozing out of the wounds of Perera and Ratnaweera, when then senior DIG Jayantha Wickremeratne arrived at the scene that Monday night. In the next few hours, he was assuming duties as the Inspector General of Police.

Speaking to British High Commissioner Peter Hayes outside the rooms of the two victims on the first floor of a private hospital, Wickremaratne said Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, had sent him there. That was to assure that a full investigation would be carried out to arrest the assailants. The same assurance was given to the two victims. He said the owner of the white van had been traced. It later turned out that the number plates (with different numbers in the front and the rear) were fake. One vehicle for which the number was assigned lay at a garage with its engine removed several months earlier. Another, was from a vehicle a hundred miles away.

The bashful or hearty laughter of UNP national organizer S. B. Dissanayke in response to a remark by President Mahinda Rajapaksa on Frday may add fuel to the political rumour mill which is already awash with speculation about his political moves. Mr. Dissanayake along with Ministers Mahinda Wijesekera and Bandula Gunawardena met the President to discuss events related to the 50th anniversary celebrations of the Vidyodaya University from which the trio graduated and the President was a young library assistant.

Later, as Police Chief Wickremaratne was to tell the media it was difficult to track down white vans. At any given time over a 500 of them were moving around in city roads. The Police spokesman held another view. SSP Ranjith Gunasekera told the media that some media personnel were using reported threats or assaults to claim asylum abroad. However, President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who declared open the US aided bridge at Arugam Bay said the assault was part of a conspiracy to embarrass the Government.
His remarks were to heighten concerns. If there were indeed conspirators who moved around with impunity past checkpoints and the presence of troops/policemen in the City, and could successfully evade arrest, whether security in the City of Colombo and suburbs was adequate was the question. Therefore, could those conspirators endanger the SAARC delegates and the large media contingent who will be there to cover the event?

Of course, security during SAARC has become the nightmare of the authorities. Latest proposals under consideration are to severely restrict entry and exit into the City of Colombo. Ministers and officials taking part in the SAARC summit are also likely to be booked into City hotels and provided security cover during their journey to the conference venue. Among the other security concerns for some SAARC countries is whether Tiger guerrillas will trigger any incidents either before or during the summit. Government officials have allayed their fears with assurances that fighting now is restricted to the Wanni. They have said the guerrillas will no longer be able to carry out any major attack.

Yet, the incident where the guerrillas fired at a helicopter of the Air Force VIP squadron over the skies of Kokkadicholai this week was also cause for concern. This helicopter was one of the ‘chasers’ to the helicopter in which President Rajapaksa flew for the ceremonies connected with the opening of the bridge at Arugam Bay. It had later flown to the SLAF base in Ampara (Uhana) to re-fuel when it was hit by small arms fire and forced to make an emergency landing.

Election fever

On the political front, Government leaders believe that the successful conduct of the SAARC and the “imminent successes” in the campaign against Tiger guerrillas in their stronghold of Wanni would augur well for the upcoming elections in the North Central Province and Sabaragamuwa provinces.

ominations concluded on Friday and both elections will be held on August 23. The twin issues, Government leaders argue, will be disadvantageous to the main opposition United National Party (UNP), which is already plagued by an internal crisis.

In the Opposition UNP, the rumblings seem to simmer down a bit, though its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe is not entirely out of the woods. On Tuesday, the Working Committee met, and it was former Health Minister Dr. Ranjit Atapattu from Beliatte who interrupted Wickremesinghe to ask him what the Committee of party seniors set up to study the grievances of a reformist group had come up with.

This Committee comprises those elected to Parliament in 1977 or before that, and is headed by John Amaratunga, a former Minister of Interior. Amaratunga himself was abroad, and Wickremesinghe had to stop in mid-stream and say he would deal with the subject later.

When later came, Wickremesinghe said the Committee was finalising its report, and that he was prepared to go along with its recommendations – provided there was unanimity in the way forward. Differences of opinion and pitting one against the other are now becoming legendary — and Wickremesinghe knows only too well that personality clashes will prevail over issue-based politics.
For instance, the recommendations of the three chief ‘reformists’ – Lakshman Seneviratne (Moneragala), Johnston Fernando (Kurunegala) and Jayalath Jayawardene (Gampaha) are to change the party constitution and clip the powers of the all-powerful party leader; and for the appointment of a new party chairman, deputy leader and three assistant leaders.

The vexed issue of whether Wickremesinghe should continue as both, the Opposition Leader and party leader has now been all but settled, with the demand to oust him from the latter post now fizzling out.
For party deputy leader (the post held by Karu Jayasuriya before his defection), the name recommended is incumbent party Chairman Rukman Senanayake. He was not present on Tuesday, but while there is no apparent objection to this move, the suggestion to make Joseph Michael Perera, the party chairman has run into a wall.

Jayalath Jayawardene had originally objected to this move. Both are from neighbouring constituencies of Ja-ela and Negombo, but the good doctor had later relented. However, Perera’s nomination was opposed on the grounds that he is a Catholic and the party is already under a cloud with the Buddhist majority having lost their confidence to some extent.

Then, there was the suggestion to make S.B. Dissanayake, the National Organiser who spends most of his time in Australia nowadays, Jayawickrema Perera from Kurunegala and young Sajith Premadasa from Hambantota as assistant leaders. There again, while Jayawickrama Perera was not an issue, there were some murmurs about Dissanayake because of his civic disability, and Premadasa due to his young age.

Dissanayake has been asking the leadership for a place in Parliament once his civic disability period is over – and the vacant seat of Muslim Congress (SLMC) leader Rauf Hakeem, but Hakeem seems to want to return the National Legislature, and this will put paid to Dissanayake’s re-entry to where he once held forth.

In the meantime, he has kept a line open with President Rajapaksa, earning the displeasure, and mistrust of UNPers. The point that young and not-so-young MPs who see themselves as future leaders were not even in the running for these posts – Ravi Karunanayake, Vajira Abeywardene etc., was also a matter for consternation in some quarters.

And so, the debate went on in the corridors and within the Working Committee of the Grand Old Party, and Wickremesinghe thriving on the differences said that the discussions should not revolve around persons but positions. But what he did not say, nor the party think of discussing, was that what was most important was neither persons nor positions, but the issues that the UNP had to take cognizance of if it was to reverse the losing trend, and start winning elections once again.

Lakshman Seneviratne, one of the frontline ‘reformists’ said he wanted to clarify matters. He had been talking behind closed doors that he felt the party leadership had ‘planted’ a story in a popular Sinhala daily that he was acting as the cat’s-paw for the 17 UNPers who abandoned the UNP and joined the Rajakapsa administration. Inside the Working Committee he rose to deny this, and said that he was a UNPer, would stand by the leadership and only wanted to ensure the party’s victory at future elections.
In this general state of confusion, Ranjit Atapattu, the elder statesman who raised the issue first, could only say that he had his own views to make to the Committee, and he was asked to convey them in due course. Wickremesinghe said the Committee should identify common issues and the party must come to some general agreement on these common issues, and with that neatly rode the rough waves against him to beach safely.

One of the most vociferous critics of Wickremesinghe, Johnston Fernando, a former Youth and Sports Minister had his lips sealed. There was not a word, not a hum from him right through the proceedings. Clearly, someone had advised him to keep mum.

Campaign funds

As the coming weeks will see heightened activity in the Sabaragamuwa and North Central Provinces in view of the August 23 elections, it was natural for the party hierarchy to discuss how best they were going to meet the challenge.

For the NCP, the UNP had a fairly powerful candidate in Major-General (Ret.) Janaka Perera, who was returning from Australia (this is not a new phenomena – most modern Sri Lankan politicians, Government and Opposition, seem to be having homes in foreign lands and politicking here) to his baptism in politics.
Perera had been testing the murky political waters for some time, dipping his toe, and running back to Australia. But now he has committed himself to the deep end of Sri Lankan politics, and he has taken upon himself an assignment no second to those he would have faced fighting the LTTE during his career in the army.

Before his arrival in Colombo, Perera has been asking whether he will have the financial resources from the party to mount what would be a fairly expensive campaign. He was assured party funds, but later began complaining that tight-fisted party managers were depriving him of funds. Now that he has got some of it, he has been told not to squander all of it in the first month itself, and to save some for closer to the polls date.

To face fire with fire, the government has put forward a wounded soldier, the sole survivor of the 1992 deaths of the country’s top-most Generals in the island of Kayts off Jaffna. This is proof that the government is not taking Maj-Gen. Perera’s entry into politics from the UNP lightly.

Sabragamuwa scenario

The UNP’s nominees for the Sabaragamuwa province however had a little coup de theatrics. Taken unaware by the announcement of the election, the UNP was obviously caught flat-footed. Its MPs from the area, Ms. Thalatha Atukorale and Dunesh Gankanda were thrust into the forefront by the party in the absence of a second rung of politicians. Atukorale had just returned from a visit to the US, and neither she nor Gankanda were keen to sacrifice their parliamentary seats, even if it meant being an apparent Chief Minister candidate for the entire province.

In to this vacuum, actor Ranjan Ramanayake threw his hat in from the blues – or in this case, the greens. According to party insiders, his candidature has been supported by Sudath Chandrasekera, a personal friend of his, and who wears the hat of private secretary to Wickremesinghe. A press interview had been arranged for Ramanayake where he said he was willing to come forward.

The party leadership, desperately searching for a team leader for Sabaragamuwa was delighted at the response. Atukorale and Gankanda were the first to lend their support, but it seemed that was more to get out of the situation themselves rather than any love for Ramanayake.

Former Diyawadana Nilame Neranjan Wijeyeratne also offered to contest if he was to be given the Chief Ministership should the UNP win. His long years as DN of the Sri Dalada Maligawa, the temple of the Tooth, would stand him in good stead in a mainly Sinhala-Buddhist province, whose centre of gravity is the holy Maha Saman Devale’ in Ratnapura.

However, Wijeyeratne’s candidature was shot down as soon as it took off. Those supporting Ramanayake, who ironically hails from the Catholic belt of Katana in the western province, with no connections whatsoever in Sabaragamuwa argued that should Wijeyeratne contest, the incumbent DN, Neelanga Dela Bandara would throw his weight against Wijeyeratne.

This is going on the basis that Bandara will not otherwise throw his weight behind the Rajapaksa administration, which fully backed his own candidacy when he was elected for the post he now holds.
The UNP hierarchy insists that Ramanayake can win the youth vote and with the traditional party votes, can make the difference.

Others think otherwise, and fear the party coming a cropper. To make matters worse, the party left out an up-and-coming grass-root level politician named Manju, a Praadeshiya Sabha member from Mawanella, whose inclusion was reportedly objected to by Kabir Hasheem, MP from Mawanella.

The UNP has to contend with some heavy-weights like Ministers John Seneviratne, Pavitra Wanniarachchi, Susantha Punchinilame and Mahinda Ratnathillake, seasoned politicians working the government machinery in the province.

The UNP was crowing over the fact that Punchinilame’s brother cum private secretary is going to be a UNP candidate. “He has crossed over”, said one prominent UNPer, but others said that the Punchinilames are UNPers anyway, just that Susantha Punchinilame joined the government, and it makes good insurance policy to hedge the bets.

The UNP also appointed two committees to spearhead the campaign in the two provinces. Rukman Senanayake will be the chief campaign coordinator for the North Central Province with Gamini Jaywickrema Perera being the Anuradhapura district coordinator and Lakshman Kiriella being the Polonnaruwa District coordinator. Others in the NCP campaign committee are Sajith Premadasa, P. Harrison, Earl Gunasekera, Chandrani Bandara and Dr. R. John Pulle.

The UNPA?a??a??s Sabaragamuwa campaign committee is headed by National Organiser S. B. Dissanayake with Ravindra Samaraweera being the Kegalle District coordinator and John Amaratunga Ratnapura coordinator.

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Others in the Sabaragamuwa campaign committee are: Thalatha Athukorale, Kabir Hashim, Dunesh Gankanda, Champika Premadasa and P. D. Kurukulasinghe. Not to be distracted though from the main objective of the Opposition, to oppose the government especially in Colombo, the UNP has also worked in a frenzy-like mood.

It has appointed its Kandy leader Lakshman Kiriella to ‘carry the party message’; Wickremasinghe himself will take charge of the ‘Ops Room’; there will be people tasked for ‘Fund Raising’; and next Wednesday (July 9) they will start recruiting volunteers who will take an oath to engage in Gandhian style (or JR style?) non-violent protest “until freedom is obtained”, as one party leader acclaimed.

Meanwhile, the violence has already begun. In Anuradhapura, three UNPers have been attacked, and in the recently liberated Dimbulagala, a sub-inspector of police and a police party arrived to arrest a UNP organiser – one policeman wearing the telephone number of the Opposition leader on his uniform lapel instead of a real number.
source:
http://www.sundaytimes.lk/080706/Columns/political.html