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Eastern Province in Sri Lanka: Is this a good Model for Conflict Resolution?

Asian Tribune

Democracy and Governance

The Government of Sri Lanka has been consistent in its commitment to maintaining democracy across the country and thus undertook all necessary measure to bring about the most significant development in the Eastern Province by the establishment of Democracy via a pluralistic political process and restoring Civil Administration. On 10th March 2008 elections were held in nine (9) local Government electorates in the Batticaloa District, resulting in the establishment of the Batticaloa Municpal Council. BatticaloaA?a??a??s first Mayoress Ms. Sivageetha Prabagaran was thus elected.

After a lapse of nearly 20 years on 10th May 2008, Provincial Council Elections were held establishing the Eastern Province Provincial Council, electing Sivanesathurai Chanthirakanthan as Chief Minister. Ms. Prabagaran and Mr. Chanthirakanthan, members of the Tammil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikhal (TMVP) contested under the UPFA, the ruling Government party.

The Municipal Council and Provincial Councils are in the process of preparing relevant development activities for the respective regions.

Both Elections provided the space and opportunity to enable the people of the East to exercise their right to participate in a democratic process. This was just one of the many rights which were denied to these civilians for almost three (3) decades.

Civil Administration

With the conclusion of the Local Government and Provincial Council Elections, there has been a smooth transition from military control to establishing civil administration in the Province. Furthermore there have been ongoing efforts on the part of the Central Government to provide the necessary skills and knowledge to all Public Officers, Local Government Members and Provincial Council Members, on their duties, responsibilities, good governance and legal obligations in order to build their capacity to deliver services and fulfil their obligations to the people of the East with efficiency and diligence.

Since the Government took control of the Eastern Province in July 2007, the Central Government began the process of implementing development projects which laid the foundation for the establishment of the Civil Administration. For example, The Ministry of Constitutional Affairs and National Integration with the support of the Ministry of Public Administration through 3 Mobile Community Service Programmes issued birth and death certificates, marriage certificates, national identity cards, drivers licence, passports and land ownership documents to the citizens in the Province.

Infrastructure Development

The Government of Sri Lanka has invested large sums of money and thus concentrated heavily on developing the infrastructure in the Eastern Province in order to have a significant impact upon the lives of the people both socially and economically. The Maga Neguma programme has seen the development of key roads and the construction of key bridges (for example the Manampitiya Bridge, Arugam Bay Bridge have already been completed while the Kinniya Ferry Bridge is under construction. The Oddamavadi, Verugal, Kayankerny, Ganagai and Upparu Bridges are also proposed to be constructed and financial allocations have already been made) enabling easy access/travel within the Districts and the Province as a whole.

Much emphasis has been placed upon rural electrification and this is expected to be a long term development, with work on-going.

Livelihood and Economic Development

The Democracy and Pluralism in the Eastern Province has led to the boost in investor confidence and it is predicted that the GDP will grow in what has always been an area with potential to be most productive in the country. With the Government investing in key infrastructural projects such as roads, ports, bridges, electricity, health and schools the private sector has also begun to focus on the East.

The Government has always been keen to promote Private-Public Sector partnership to help boost the economy of the Eastern Province. As a result several large scale investments have taken place, having a significant impact upon several economic sectors.

For example, Cargills Ceylon Limited in partnership with the Ministry of Nation Building and the World Bank will launch a Rs. 8000 million project to develop agriculture and livestock sectors with a buy back arrangement. This project aims to ease the problems of market access that is currently experienced by small and medium scale entrepreneurs across the country. Cargills is planning to focus on vegetables, rice, fruits, fish and milk, and with the buy back arrangement to avoid middlemen and thus the escalation of costs. As a consequence of this unique project, farmers are paid 20% more than the market price, and this minimum guaranteed price will help farmers plan their cash flows. This will reduce the burden on them and encourage the confident application of good agricultural practices like the use of fertilizer.

Hayleys Agro which currently has a presence in the Eastern Province aims to focus on driving advanced technology into the Province and thereby increasing productivity levels in the agricultural sector.

The Company aims to train farmers in the use of biotechnology to produce high yielding crops such as banana, pineapple, strawberry and related fruits so that it can get the best from the rich soil quality of the Eastern Province. This project will enable the farmer community by promoting technology in order to get the best returns.

Micro Credit Financing has been promoted by the Banks and Chambers of Commerce on a large scale in the Eastern Province, to provide financial opportunities for all citizens to engage in economic activities and uplift their living standards. Such opportunities have enabled the people to engage in a range of livelihood activities such as fisheries, agriculture, retail, dress making and furniture manufacture.

Furthermore currently there are three (3) loans schemes for the development of Agriculture and related activities. These include A?a??A?Krushi NavodayaA?a??A? Special Loan Scheme which is implemented by the Lankaputhra Development Bank under the aegis of the Central Bank and Ministry of Finance. These loans are provided for the purposes of the processing of agricultural provide, farm implements, animal husbandry, micro irrigation systems and green house farming. Interest subsidy is provided and the rate applicable to the borrower is 8% per annum with a maximum repayment period of 3 years.

The New Comprehensive Rural Credit Scheme (NCRCS) is a short term agricultural credit scheme implemented by the Central Bank. This loan can be obtained for the purposes of cultivation of agricultural crops, pre-cultivation activities and post cultivation activities. It is provided for the two cultivation seasons (Yala and Maha) with an interest of 8% per annum and repayment within 270 days.

The A?a??A?KaprukaA?a??A? Investment Relief Credit Scheme is implemented by the Coconut Development Board using Government funds to develop coconut cultivation and improve livelihoods possible in association with the coconut holdings.

In addition to the above, the European Investment Bank Loan Scheme (EIB Loan Scheme) is operated in Tsunami affected areas and is provided to medium and large scale enterprises for the resumption of their businesses.

The Construction Sector Development Project (CSDP) is implemented by the Central Bank with the main objective of strengthening the financial and technical capabilities of private local businesses to effectively participate in construction and public works in Post-Tsunami reconstruction.

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This is just one of the key sectors that the Government has focused heavily upon and funding from the World Bank was utilized in infrastructure development and capacity building projects such as Dehiattakandiya, Lahugala MOH, Padiyatalawa, Aranthalawa, Mandapathadi, Thurainaklavani, Pulukamam, Kokkadicholai, Unnichchai, Mankerny, Paddipolai MOH which were completed under the 180 Day Programme, whilst more than 200 projects relating to baby care units, maternity wards, endoscopy units, CT scanners and other equipment, renovation and refurbishment of hospitals and wards are ongoing. Some of these projects are funded by the Ministry of Nation Building and the others by the Ministry of Health. A significant achievement in the Health Sector is the Ampara Base Hospital being awarded the prize for the Best Hospital in the South Asian Region.

Education and Vocational Training

The Government of Sri Lanka taking its social responsibilities very seriously has taken several key measures to uplift the education sector in the Eastern Province. These include re-building schools together with the Private Sector and Rotary Clubs, setting up of teacher training institutions and technical colleges such as Hardy College in Ampara

Recent appointments of teachers in the Eastern Province will fill the existing vacancies. In select areas such as Vaharai the teachers are provided with accommodation facilities.

Countries like Japan are inviting the youth working in public administration to participate in Young Leaders Programmes at Schools of Government and Local Governance in Japan, giving the youth of the Eastern Province invaluable exposure and experience required for rebuilding the conflict affected region.

In order to provide the people of the East with employable skills and training, the Ministry of Vocational Training with the assistance of USAID planned to increase the number of training centres by 19 and training programs by 48 in order to increase the intake of participants up to 9000 in the three districts. Thus six new vocational training centres are currently under construction at Central Camp, Ninthavur, Sammanturai, Akkaraipattu, Karaitivu, Kaluwanchikudi, where programmes began in June 2008. In addition on 23rd January 2008, the Marvell Sarvodaya Vocational Training Centre was also declared open.

The focus of the Ministry of Education is on early childhood education, primary, secondary and tertiary level education whilst the Ministry of Higher Education concentrates mainly on the Tertiary level education by improving the facilities of the South Eastern and Eastern Universities. These Universities expect to accommodate more than 1000 students across all three campuses for more than 25 study courses/degrees. The students are from all three communities.

Conclusion Without prescription gyne-lotrimin

Since the GovernmentA?a??a??s entry into the Eastern Province, it has acted with swift efficiency to ensure the safety and wellbeing of its people. Accordingly mentioned above are just a few of the measures adopted, all of which have contributed greatly to uplifting the lives of a conflict affected region. However needless to say, in the time span of one year, 3 decades of destruction cannot be reconstructed or rectified, therefore the East does have destroyed homes, roads, buildings, hearts and lives, but it is all now on the path to recovery, slowly yet steadily, due to the initiatives taken by the Government of Sri Lanka.. The GovernmentA?a??a??s development plan will ensure that the Eastern Re-awakening will be complete. The work is not complete unless the community are reconciled. This is the area now the government is focussing taking youth, women and children as sub sectors in re-integration and rehabilitation.

– Asian Tribune –

source:
http://www.asiantribune.com/?q=node/12888

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Pray at Arugambay

Below are the official prayer times valid for Arugam Bay and PottuVille Mosques
Month August, 2008:

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Prayer Schedule August / 2008
Day Date Fajr Sunrise Dhuhr Asr Maghrib Isha
1 Fri 4:44 5:56 12:09 3:30 6:22 7:31
2 Sat 4:44 5:56 12:09 3:30 6:22 7:31
3 Sun 4:44 5:56 12:09 3:30 6:22 7:31
4 Mon 4:44 5:56 12:09 3:29 6:21 7:30
5 Tue 4:44 5:56 12:09 3:28 6:21 7:30
6 Wed 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:28 6:21 7:29
7 Thu 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:27 6:20 7:29
8 Fri 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:27 6:20 7:28
9 Sat 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:26 6:20 7:28
10 Sun 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:26 6:20 7:28
11 Mon 4:45 5:56 12:08 3:25 6:19 7:27
12 Tue 4:45 5:56 12:08 3:24 6:19 7:27
13 Wed 4:46 5:56 12:08 3:24 6:19 7:26
14 Thu 4:46 5:56 12:08 3:23 6:18 7:26
15 Fri 4:46 5:56 12:08 3:22 6:18 7:25
16 Sat 4:46 5:56 12:07 3:21 6:17 7:25
17 Sun 4:46 5:56 12:07 3:21 6:17 7:25
18 Mon 4:46 5:56 12:07 3:21 6:17 7:24
19 Tue 4:46 5:56 12:07 3:19 6:16 7:23
20 Wed 4:46 5:56 12:06 3:18 6:16 7:23
21 Thu 4:46 5:56 12:06 3:17 6:15 7:22
22 Fri 4:46 5:56 12:06 3:17 6:15 7:22
23 Sat 4:46 5:56 12:06 3:16 6:15 7:21
24 Sun 4:46 5:56 12:05 3:15 6:14 7:21
25 Mon 4:46 5:56 12:05 3:15 6:14 7:21
26 Tue 4:46 5:56 12:05 3:13 6:13 7:20
27 Wed 4:46 5:55 12:05 3:12 6:13 7:19
28 Thu 4:46 5:55 12:04 3:11 6:12 7:19
29 Fri 4:46 5:55 12:04 3:10 6:12 7:18
30 Sat 4:46 5:55 12:04 3:09 6:11 7:17
31 Sun 4:46 5:55 12:03 3:08 6:11 7:17
Weekly Schedule





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Latitude: 6.8667 Longitude: 81.8333
Juristic Method: Standard
Calculation Method: Muslim World League

www.islamicFinder.org

Prayer Times Schedule

Month: 9/1429, 9-10 / 2008 C.E
Location: Pottuville, SRI LANKA
Calculation Method: Muslim World League
Juristic Method: Standard

Day Ramadan Gregorian Fajr Sunrise Dhuhr Asr Maghrib Isha

Note 1: Fajr means both Fajr Athan (Azan) and Imsak (starting fast) and Maghrib means both Maghrib Athan (Azan) and Iftar (breaking fast).
Note 2: Ramadan starting date is according to Makkah.
source:
Islamic Finder

U.S.-Sri Lanka Relations

Richard A. Boucher, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs
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August 3, 2008U.S. Assistant Secretary Richard Boucher speaks during a press conference in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Sunday, Aug. 3, 2008. [AP Image]Assistant Secretary Boucher: First, I want to say that it is always a pleasure to be here in Sri Lanka and especially to be able to convey my congratulations on the sixtieth anniversary of independence here. This is a memorable occasion as we talk about Sri Lanka and its democracy, and how to go forward.

We are here to attend the SAARC summit. The United States is very happy to be part of SAARC as an observer. I was able to go last year to the meeting in Delhi and it has been a pleasure to be here in Sri Lanka, to see all my colleagues and friends in SAARC and people from the SAARC countries who come together and try to work together. I think this is a good chance for us to catch up with people from all around the region, but also a chance to look together at where the region is going. I have to say, I think I really do see a more practical and productive atmosphere, certainly a strong condemnation of terrorism, which afflicts many people in many countries around this region. There is an emphasis on food security, energy — real problems that people face in this region. I think, increasingly, from SAARC there is an attitude of not just political dialogue, but what can we do about these problems, a pragmatic attitude.

We had a discussion this morning with the Foreign Minister, the observers and Foreign Ministers from various SAARC countries about how we can really increase the chances of cooperation, increase the coordination between what some of the observer countries do in the region in promoting efforts against terrorism, efforts in agriculture, efforts in energy and the way that SAARC is trying to coordinate, as well. I think we have a real opportunity here to work with SAARC in the years ahead and IA?a??a??m looking forward to doing that on behalf of the United States.

We offer our congratulations to the government of Sri Lanka for the way they have hosted the meeting. Everything has gone smoothly so far. I cannot give a final analysis until after the final wrap-up this afternoon, but I am sure the conclusion will be the same. There has been very close attention to the impeccable arrangements and the warmth and hospitality of the people of Sri Lanka is coming through in all these arrangements and activities.

We look at Sri Lanka and we see friends. We see ourselves as the friends of Sri Lanka and friends of the people of Sri Lanka. We try to make sure that we make a positive contribution here. We stand with the people of Sri Lanka as they try to fight terrorism. We understand that people need to be able to go about their lives safely, free from fear of bombings on busses or [in] shopping malls or attacks in the streets. We have tried to help the people in the government of Sri Lanka to interdict supplies that might be coming illegally into the terrorist groups, with the radar systems we are working on or the efforts that we have made in the United States with the arrests and prosecutions against the illegal supply of weapons to the Tamil Tigers, with the designation of the Tamil Rehabilitation Organization as a conduit for terrorist supplies. There are actions that we have taken overseas, actions that we have taken to help the government fight terrorism and we will continue those.

We also look to where we can support the people of Sri Lanka. We had a major program of tsunami relief of almost $135 million. That program is really successful. The assistance has been delivered and it is mostly complete now. You saw recently the opening of the Arugam Bay bridge, a major project. You also saw the rehabilitation of fishing harbors in the south. We are still working on nine vocational schools in the south and the east. These tsunami relief projects were very important to us and I am glad to say that aid has been successfully delivered and weA?a??a??ve done what we promised to do.

We have also worked with humanitarian assistance, for people who have been displaced in the fighting, about $50 million worth of assistance in 2007 and we have new programs developing as the situation evolves. We are working now in the east on some of the short-term needs of the people in areas that recently were opened up. We are also working to promote agriculture and investment in the workforce in the parts of the east that have had elections and that are moving forward, to try to help people there stabilize themselves, not only politically, but really get going economically and develop those areas. The United States is very heavily involved with the people and with economics and development for the people of Sri Lanka.

At the same time, I think we have strong political interests in the political evolution of the situation here in Sri Lanka. Basically we want to see the benefits of democracy extended to all the people on the island. That is the right thing to do for the people of Sri Lanka, the people of all the communities here. But it must be done thoroughly. We expect a lot of a democratic government and we express that a lot. Sometimes it seems like criticism and pressure, but we do expect a democratic government to live up to the ideals that we are all, in our own way, trying to live up to in our own democracies.

That really brings the focus on some of the continuing problems here: the need to show real respect for human rights and to do it thoroughly, to demobilize the paramilitaries. Where you have the extension of government you also need to make sure that paramilitaries are demobilized, especially when it comes to child soldiers. There should not be any child soldiers, anywhere. We are engaged with UNICEF and the government to try to end the use of child soldiers by the paramilitaries. The paramilitaries need to be demobilized. The police need to be capable of providing safety and security to ordinary citizens.

We also need to see an end to some of the abuses that continue to occur — disappearances, abductions, illegal detentions, various situations that you are all quite familiar with on this island, where the government again needs to be able to provide the best ideals of democracy and respect for human rights to all its citizens.

I think that is part of charting the path ahead for Sri Lanka. Whatever space can be opened up militarily, there also needs to be space opened up politically for a political solution. You need to get something out that tells people on the island what kind of future they can live in, what kind of path there is ahead — the power sharing path that can address the aspirations of all communities. I know the government has talked a lot about devolution and the effort being made in the east with the new government and that is very welcome. It needs to be done thoroughly but also there needs to be a path beyond that charted out so that people can look forward to a kind of future that all the communities on the island can have.

As we discuss these issues with the government we do reaffirm our support for a political solution. We believe that Sinhalese, Muslims and Tamils all need to have a future of hope and a future of respect for their dignity and their rights on the island. People need to see and understand the future prospects for autonomy within a united Sri Lanka.

The time to promote reconciliation and trust, the time to promote hope is now. It is not something that needs to wait or should wait. That is our simplest message. The key to that is to promote the human rights situation on the island.
We will continue to talk to the government, to [the] military, civil society, the media, to discuss these issues, to promote human rights, to promote these ideas. I think we do find a certain resonance when we talk about them because people are committed to democracy and want to develop democracy. But, in the end, it is not just the discussions that matter, it is what is happening in the streets and what is happening in the towns and the villages that matters. We will continue to work on those things, whether it is visits like mine or the day-to-day work that our embassy and that our exemplary Ambassador does in that regard. I think that is where the United States stands here. We stand with the people. We stand for development. But we also stand for human rights and for opening up a political future for everyone on the island.
And with that, I would be glad to take questions.
Question: Could you elaborate on your discussions about terrorism with the ministers and any of the heads of government here? Specifically, India, Afghanistan — and if media reports are to be believed, the U.S. has now accused elements of the Pakistani ISI of being behind the July 7th Kabul bombing. We have heard that Mr. Gillani has personally pledged to investigate that. Has he told you this and what other information can you share with us about other alleged ISI involvement in that bombing?
Assistant Secretary Boucher: That is about five questions. I think I will pick any two of them to give you an answer on.
(Laughter)
Let me try to give you a general answer to all those things. Obviously as it is a concern to countries in the region as well as a concern to us, we have had a very active discussion and indeed cooperation with countries of the region against terrorism. Whether it is some of the things I cited in terms of preventing supplies to terrorists in Sri Lanka or working with the government of Bangladesh to end the terrorist threat there, or working very actively in Afghanistan and cooperating with Pakistan, and working with India against terrorism, we understand the concerns of people. We share these concerns.
Terrorism is a threat to the people of the region, to the people of nations like Pakistan, but also a threat to the wider world. We are concerned very much about the situation in Pakistan right now. We had a chance with the visit of Prime Minister Gillani in Washington this week to go through the issues with him. I think we heard very strong determination on his part, for the sake of Pakistan, to conquer the problem of terrorism, to conquer the problem of extremism which afflicts so many of their citizens there, which really is a problem which people in Pakistan are justifiably worried about for themselves. I think we welcome the statement that he made about looking into the causes and sources of the Kabul bombing. We all need to understand that situation. We all need to do all that we can to correct whoever was involved in that bombing. But the only way we are ever going to get a hold of this problem is through cooperation of the nations of the region and through cooperation with the nations of the region.
The United States is pledged very firmly to working with the countries in this region to fight the scourge of terrorism, to build up their capabilities to maintain security throughout their territory, to help them with their goal of extending good governance throughout the country. Whether we look at the work we are doing with Afghanistan to help the Afghan government extend itself and provide the benefits of good government to its citizens around all parts of its country, or the work that we are doing with Pakistan to help them extend the writ of government into the Tribal Areas, in the end, that is the best solution to the problem of terrorism. So, we have to work with each of the countries involved.
Question: In relation to Sri Lanka, you report the need of democracy extended to all the citizens and also to the need of respect for human rights. What is your assessment, do you see any lack of democracy or violation of human rights here? What is your assessment of the situation here?
Assistant Secretary Boucher: I think we have made it very clear in reports and statements that we are concerned about the human rights situation here. We have been concerned about some of the reports of abuses of the past that have not been fully investigated or have not had legal action taken at this point A?a??a?? such as the killings of aid workers. We have been concerned about the continuing reports of abductions, disappearances, some of the detentions of individuals, reports of intimidation against the media. All of these things need to be stopped. The government needs to take action to stop the perpetrators, and investigate and prosecute where necessary the people who have done these things. I think we will continue to focus attention on those problems and we will continue to call on the government, but also work with the government, to try to help a democratic government achieve the highest standards of democracy, because that is what the citizens expect of their government.
Question: There is a feeling in India that since the installation of a duly-elected government in Pakistan, there has been a perceptible increase in the incidents of terrorist violence and one gets a feeling that this government is in a lesser position to control these elements than the control one saw during MusharrafA?a??a??s time. What is the perception of the United States and do you think that in the long run that this government will be able to control the situation and keep it from spiraling out of control, because in India there cannot be a peace process pursued by any government without popular support and if there are more incidents of terrorist violence in India, perhaps even the government in Delhi may be a little helpless in pursuing the peace dialogue?
Assistant Secretary Boucher: I think, first and foremost, the violence affects Pakistan. And, first and foremost, the Pakistani government wants to address the violence for their own reasons, because it affects their own citizens and their own governance. That is the message we have heard again and again from the new government, from the elected government. We have believed and continue to believe that a democratic base is the best base on which to fight terrorism. That the citizens of Pakistan, in their election, voted essentially for a moderate, democratic government and voted for, you might say, modernizing Pakistan in all its aspects — modernizing the education system, modernizing the democratic institutions, modernizing the military capabilities — that is something we will very much help Pakistan with. And we are committed across the board, in a very broad-based way. Whether it is the food assistance we just announced in Washington, [$115.5] million dollars worth, or the ongoing work on helping them build police and military capabilities, we are very committed to that.
We do believe democratic government is the best base on which to fight terrorism. I do remember that it is a new government; they were formed at the end of March. We are a couple of months down the road and they have enormous problems to deal with. I do not envy the people who have to come into government and have to face these overwhelming problems of extremism, of food prices, energy prices, government budgets and many other things that they have to deal with right away. There are enormous challenges there and we need to help them in every way possible. They also need to be able to work through some of these questions and achieve action. I think if you look at my last visit to Pakistan in early July, I felt there was a need to focus more intensely on some of these problems — perhaps too much politicking going on and not enough work, getting down to business on terrorism, on food, on energy.
Certainly what we heard from the government in the visit to Washington, and what we have heard in their public statements since then, has shown more intense focus on really dealing with the problems, taking action on the problems. So that is what we look to them to do now and I think action on these problems, particularly on the problem of terrorism, will benefit people throughout the region, because it is a problem that afflicts people throughout the region and it will benefit their relations, especially their relations with Afghanistan and with India. Even if they do it for PakistanA?a??a??s sake, which is what they say and what they should do, it will actually prove of benefit to the whole region and to their relations with the whole region.
Question: The continuing political instability in Pakistan and the inability of the three principal characters in that country is likely to make things worse as far as India and Afghanistan are concerned because ISI is apparently becoming really aggressive. There have been more incidents of violence and there is speculation that Musharraf might sack this government any moment, or that Gillani might take over. What is your take on this?
Assistant Secretary Boucher: Is that a question or a theory? Honestly, my answer to that is my answer to the last question. The only real base for fighting terrorism is going to be the democratic base, but we do look to the democratic parties to get focus and to move swiftly to take real action on some of these problems. And we certainly will be there to support them and help them, and we frankly hope everyone in the region will be there to support them and help them as they take action.
Question: When do you think the Indo-American nuclear deal will reach Congress and which countries do you think will object to the deal?
Assistant Secretary Boucher: Well, by the time we get to the Nuclear Suppliers Group final meeting we hope to no countries will object. There is going to be a process between now and then of working with countries who have questions and making sure that their questions get answered. We can do a lot of that because we have worked with the nuclear suppliers and we know that whole angle on it. India is going to have to do some of that and answer a lot of questions about its nuclear programs and safeguards and the separation plan.
I think we are very much partners with India in going forward, as we were partners in getting this started. We are moving on an expeditious timetable. We understand democracy; we have a great patience for democracy, and now that the Indian government has worked its way through its political issues they are in a position to go forward and we are going to go forward full speed with them. We are coordinating very closely; we have worked this now through the International Atomic Energy Agency Board in Vienna. We are very pleased to see that consensus was reached there on approving the safeguards agreement. That is a major step.
The next step is to go forward to the Nuclear Suppliers Group and to talk to all the countries in that group. If we can do that expeditiously we would hope to be able to deliver the package to our Congress in September. We need a lot of pieces to fall into place. There are various aspects of the joint statements from the visits — from the PresidentA?a??a??s visit and from the Prime MinisterA?a??a??s visit — things that need to be done to fulfill those pledges. Then we need to take that whole package and present it to our Congress in September. And then we will talk to Congress about how they can handle it and their procedures. There is a lot to do in the short term, a very intense effort going on together with India and certainly a great hope that we can bring this to fruition. But whatever happens we are going to take it as far as we can and we are going to pledge our full and complete effort to get it as far as we can along that path.
Question: You are talking about democracy and you are supporting a government in Bangladesh of a non-democratic nature, a two-year non-party caretaker government, and the country is going ahead with elections, scheduled to be held in December 2008. There is a strong debate going on in the country whether elections should be under emergency rules or not. Political parties are demanding relief as some fundamental rights are suspended under emergency rules. The government has still not decided whether they will lift the emergency. What do you think about that?
Assistant Secretary Boucher: I do not know the precise legal definitions one way or the other, but I think there is a certain sense of logic and common sense that has to apply. We all want to see the elections. We all know the only way forward for Bangladesh is to have this election — a good election — on time. Whatever efforts have been made by the caretaker government to clean up politics, to pursue anti-corruption efforts, to build and strengthen the political institutions, like the election commission and the corruption commission- – these are valuable efforts. But their only lasting result will be if they are translated into a good election and a better future of clean politics and stable politics for Bangladesh.
We think that election is necessary. We very much support it and make it clear that we do not think that there is any other way forward. Any election has to take place in an atmosphere where people can discuss, can debate, where the media can report, where people can meet with their supporters. People need to be able to have active politics and a fair election, and those circumstances are dictated by logic as much as anything else. That is what we have talked about, that is what we have supported in our discussions with people in Bangladesh, and that is what I have talked about with the people I have met from Bangladesh.
Question: While appreciating the fact that you are talking about the democratization, disarming the paramilitary groups and about human rights, there may be a question raised to the western countries, in particular the U.S., as to why sometimes the west is not concerned about human rights violations done due to terrorist activities, especially in this part of the world, with relation to Sri Lanka and especially to India and Pakistan. May I ask you why the west is not talking about the human rights violations done by the terrorists, particularly in Sri Lanka? There are so many, irrespective of race, religion or culture, that the terrorist bombings have hurt in this entire country for the last twenty years.
Assistant Secretary Boucher: I just do not accept the premise. I talked today about the terrorist bombings. I do not think anyone has ever made any excuses for the Tamil Tigers. We have listed them as a terrorist organization. We make clear that blowing up busses full of people is one of the most horrible things you can do and in no way are we going to countenance those acts. Child soldiers recruited by the terrorist groups need to be demobilized. These kids need to be let out of bondage, and even when you have situations like some of the groups that are split off and come into the political system, they cannot maintain those child soldiers just because of their history. That needs to be ended, too, and so I do not think we in any way excuse the behavior of terrorist groups.
The violations of human rights, the horrible killings of the terrorist groups — we absolutely condemn them and are very clear in our commentary, in our human rights reports, about that. But that does not mean that everyone is allowed to do it. It is very clear, especially for a government that is democratic, for a society that does have a strong democratic tradition, that we all need to live up to our highest ideals, we all need to live up to our founding principles. We never claim American democracy is perfect, we always say it is a work in progress. But whenever we see others who are not living up to their principles we also say that they need to make better efforts and that there are problems here, that the government can fix and could fix. Unfortunately, the problems of the Tamil Tigers are more difficult to fix right now. They do not seem to have any desire to correct their human rights abuses.
Question: People of this region talk about the third decade of SAARC and this forum is not coming up to solve the problems of this region, like poverty and other issues. What are your expectations as an observer and through your meetings with other people? Secondly, yesterday you had a meeting with Prime Minister Gillani. Did you talk about the recent blame game, about the Kabul bomb blast at the Indian Embassy, and did Gillani talk about any foreign involvement in the Tribal Areas and other areas of Pakistan, because in internal politics they do give these statements? Thank you.
Assistant Secretary Boucher: First of all, I do think SAARC is trying to address the problems of the people of the region, trying to deal with issues of poverty, issues of food security, issues of terrorism, issues of energy supply and a great many other things that afflict the people of the region. I do not think any single organization or any single meeting is going to solve all these problems, but I think that every organization and every meeting should try to make a direct contribution. And that is what the SAARC leaders have pledged themselves to do together. That is what we, as observers, are trying to work with them to do, so they make sure that every forum, every opportunity, is used to try to help the people of the region with these very serious problems that they are facing right now.
We do a lot of that individually with governments of the region, with particular programs like the food program and agriculture programs that we have with Pakistan, that we just announced. A lot of other things were just announced in Washington where we are working with the government on education, the economy and poverty alleviation, as well as modernizing the nation. SAARC is one of many contributions to dealing with poverty and development problems.
As far as meeting directly with Prime Minister Gillani yesterday, it was a great pleasure to see him again, even though we just saw each other three days ago in Washington at Andrews Air Force Base. I think we all felt that the visit of the Prime Minister to Washington was very successful. It put us on a solid footing of commitment and a basis for action against terrorism, in particular, and also a basis for a very fundamental and long-term relationship between Pakistan and the United States that deals with all the different problems that the people of Pakistan face.
In many ways my meeting with him here was to follow up on that and to talk about continuation of the way forward, as well as to talk about the opportunities here at SAARC and what we were doing here, as he has taken a great interest in the activities of SAARC. I think we had a good discussion, but I would see it in the context of following up to the discussions in Washington and as he prepares to head home now and deal with some of these very serious issues.
Question: [In Bangladesh] you always speak of three things A?a??a?? democracy, development and denial of space for terrorism. Democracy you put first. You know that the election in Bangladesh is going to be held tomorrow and this is the first step forward to democracy by the present undemocratic government. What do you think — is this an easy step for the present government?
Assistant Secretary Boucher: I think, as you said, it is the first step towards the restoration of democracy in Bangladesh. It is a step that needs to be followed by other steps. We want to get there by the end of the year. By the end of the year we want to see an election that is on a solid, fair, transparent, peaceful basis, that gives the people of Bangladesh the chance to decide what the government is going to be next year. That is what we have stood for, that is what we have worked for and that is what the caretaker has been working towards, and we want to see them accomplish that goal. This is one of the steps along the way.
Question: We are going to have our first multi-party elections and we have heard the U.S. reaction before, but some time ago we did not know the date that the constitution was going to be ratified. Now President Gayoom has announced he will be ratifying it on August 7th. I would like a brief assessment, if any, from the U.S., Mr. Boucher.
Assistant Secretary Boucher: Yes, I listened very closely to President GayoomA?a??a??s speech at SAARC yesterday and I think he said two things. He said, one, he would ratify the constitution within a few days and I am glad to hear that he set the precise day for that. That is a welcome development. Second of all, he said that the elections for presidency would be held within two months. That is welcome, as well. We have tried to work with Maldives and support the path that they have chosen, and support the constitutional changes, support this more open electoral system, and we are glad to see it reaching fruition. We are glad to see the participation of all the parties.
I will actually be going down there from here and discussing these issues. If you compare it to the last time I went to the Maldives and we were talking about the potential and the prospects and how to go about it and what needed to be done, I think that there is a lot of welcome progress. As with any progress it does not really matter until it culminates in the real multi-party election that is being forecast now. These are good announcements and we look forward to seeing the completion of this whole process.
Question: Both India and Afghanistan have great problems with ISI. Yesterday only, President Karzai talked about institutional support that terrorists are getting from Pakistan. What is the United StatesA?a??a?? take on ISI?
Purchase florinef generic Assistant Secretary Boucher: No society is going to be able to fight terrorism successfully if it is divided. Terrorism is a very complex problem. You need to address it with military means, with intelligence means, with law enforcement, with a judicial process, with development, with vocational training, with education, with political context, with administrative activity. You need all those elements to be able to give the people of this region safety and security and opportunity so that they will reject the terrorists and live in peace.
I think it is important for Pakistan to get all the elements of the government lined up and working in the same direction. It is, as we talked [about] before, a new political leadership in Pakistan that has come out of this election. They have a lot of very big challenges, but one of the things is working with the other institutions including the army and the intelligence service. They need to get everybody lined up in the same direction if they are really going to tackle the terrorist problem. Our view is that it is important to have a good intelligence service in Pakistan, but it is also important for that intelligence service to work single-mindedly and in very close step with all the other institutions to really tackle this problem that afflicts so many people in Pakistan and in the broader world.
Thank you very much.

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source:
http://www.state.gov/p/sca/rls/2008/107655.htmA?A?

Pray at Arugambay

Below are the official prayer times valid for ArugamBay and PottuVille Mosques

Arugam Bay Mosque timesArugam Bay Mosque times

Month August 2008

www.islamicFinder.org

Prayer Times Schedule

Month: 9/1429, 9-10 / 2008 C.E
Location: Pottuville, SRI LANKA
Calculation Method: Muslim World League
Juristic Method: Standard

Day Ramadan Gregorian Fajr Sunrise Dhuhr Asr Maghrib Isha

Note 1: Fajr means both Fajr Athan (Azan) and Imsak (starting fast) and Maghrib means both Maghrib Athan (Azan) and Iftar (breaking fast).
Note 2: Ramadan starting date is according to Makkah.

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Prayer Schedule August / 2008
Day Date Fajr Sunrise Dhuhr Asr Maghrib Isha
7 Thu 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:27 6:20 7:29
8 Fri 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:27 6:20 7:28
9 Sat 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:26 6:20 7:28
10 Sun 4:45 5:56 12:09 3:26 6:20 7:28
11 Mon 4:45 5:56 12:08 3:25 6:19 7:27
12 Tue 4:45 5:56 12:08 3:24 6:19 7:27
13 Wed 4:46 5:56 12:08 3:24 6:19 7:26

Of Burnt tyres and wasted Votes

The NightwatchmanA?a??a??A?a??a??A?a??a??A?a??a?? A?A?A?A?A?A?A?A? www.lankajournal.org

Wars come in many shapes, sizes, guises and intensities. From the conventional wars of past World Wars to the more unconventional ones fought in South East Asia, South America, the Africas and Central Europe. Each of these had itA?a??a??s own unique plot line, players, editors, stunt men, comedians, fall guys and in the end, as with all wars, innocents. Wars are actually tragic comedies. Sri LankaA?a??a??s war is no exception.A?A?

What makes the war in Sri Lanka, is that it is a mixture of everythingA?a??A? a little bit of conventional war hereA?a??A?a little bit of guerilla tactics thereA?a??A? a bit of political wrangling there and a bit of International A?a??E?finger pokingA?a??a?? here, courtesy of a vengeful Diaspora, who will sleep better only after they witness the total annihilation of Sri Lanka and all those living south of the Omanthai checkpoint. To top it all we have had Three Ringed circus administrations for that could have put the best circus troupes in the world to shame. A?A?

For this writer, who spent all his childhood and most of his young adult life in the shadows of imminent violent death in the hands of an unknown enemy, this, as the saying goesA?a??A? was not funny. Not one bit. Seriously!

I still remember very well 1983, I still remember very well the dark times of 87-90, and I still remember like yesterday the despair, the hopelessness and utter human tragedy of the military debacles of the late 90s and 2000. The most profound sight for me during that time was a news clipping I saw while overseas of a SLA strike team being inserted in to the jungles A?a??a??somewhere in the northA?a??a??.

One soldier jumps off the chopper a tad too early and snaps his leg in two at the shinA?a??A?he hobbles with his broken foot hanging loosely inside his pants while being supported by his comrades and the western anchor (BBC) casually mentionedA?A? that this was another day in the war for A?a??E?INDEPENDENCEA?a??a??A?A? in Sri Lanka!!!!

Hold onA?a??A? we got our INDEPENDENCE in 1948A?a??A? Please, Western AnchorManA?a??A?read up before hand. We are not fighting for IndependenceA?a??A?. We are fighting to keep our Independence!! This single-handedly showed how blasA?A? the western media was to my countryA?a??a??s plight.

Cost of clarinex-d Now one must understand, I am child that grew watching people burning inside tyre pyres, being shot in the head with brains splattered all over and bodies floating bloated and maggot ridden in the rivers in Sri Lanka. For me, these sights do not make any impact as it would do any other national in any other A?a??E?peacefulA?a??a?? country. I can have my dinner while watching these in the evening news.

But for meA?a??A? I still wonder what happened to that soldier. I still wonder what happened to that team. Did they make it out? Did they survive? That image was that profound and heartbreaking. For me at leastA?a??A?

Which bring me to the reason why I want to put together these random thoughts. I never voted for this government. I voted for the other teamA?a??A? I too enjoyed the CFAA?a??A? while it lasted. It offered me the chance to travel to places unimaginable 5 years before. I saw my first eastern sunrise from the beaches of Arugam Bay in 2005! Imagine that! After spending your whole life watching the sun set at Galle Face and the sunrise over the tree tops to have actually witnessed the grand spectacle of the sun rising off the sea!! That was all what the CFA meant to meA?a??A?the damn sunrise in Arugam Bay!

Yet, I was oblivious like everyone else in this country to the deceptive veil that was the CFA. The CFA was a butt ugly bride hiding behind the best silk and satin white veil. This veil hid the killings, the A?a??E?violationsA?a??a??, the obscene degradation and indignity our Security forces were subjected due to this A?a??E?CFAA?a??a??, (I know because I had and still do have friends who have donned the noble Uniform and thatA?a??a??s what they said. A?a??E?Our hands were tiedA?a??a??).

The CFA was used for the execution of our LRRP teams, the MI Officers, the Agents, the men A?a??E?behindA?a??a?? the scenes, the list goes on. The CFA cost us a lot. Things that can never be replaced.A?A? This ugly bride cost us Lakshman Kadiragamar. This ugly woman took Kethesh Loganathan and with them she lost that veil and exposed her butt ugly face to people like me. That day Arugam Bay sunrises lost its magic for me forever.

The CFA was used to amass weaponry and consolidate defenses, plan offensives and insert sleepers all over Sri Lanka. But fortunately someone on our side during that time was not sleeping, our SLDF was being trained, weapons amassed, defenses planned and most importantly, offensives planned. Thank God that a soldier doesnA?a??a??t mix politics and military strategy. For him life is simpleA?a??A? be prepared and keep the gun oiled and free of dustA?a??A? just in case.

And Sri Lanka has been blessed with plenty of those kinds of soldiers.

Yet, peace was good. Many were happy, still many were making money, and all was all wellA?a??A?so when the time to vote suddenly came, we votedA?a??A?.We Sri Lankans do not want to change the status quo, no matter what. We love to keep the things the way they are. We have a A?a??E?if it ainA?a??a??t brokeA?a??a?? donA?a??a??t fix itA?a??a?? mentality. Nothing wrong with that, I think.A?A? So I voted for the A?a??E?otherA?a??a?? team. Soon after all hell broke loose. I donA?a??a??t want to dwell in all that has taken place till now. Enough has been written on all that by experts with all kinds of qualifications, experiences, wallets, agendas and brain capacities. I am not any one of them.

Just an ordinary Sri Lankan, who gets in a bus daily, hoping my name is not on a ball bearing inside a 4kg Semtex parcel innocently pretending to be an Odel bag. Or being blown to smithereens by the innocent looking chap riding a bike alongside the bus, who will ram and explode his bike on the next available Montero with tinted windows, taking down the bus, passers by and the said Montero with tinted windows taking 3 rich kids to their swimming lessons.

We all know now whatA?a??a??s going on. This last 2 years we learned who the real heroes are, the real cowards, who is on our side, who is on A?a??E?theirA?a??a?? side, the heroes, the survivors, the traitors and who the war profiteers are. Cheap cardura generic

We learned! We one day woke up collectively and said to ourselves, A?a??E?This is not how it will endA?a??a??. A?a??E?This not the way we will settle the scoreA?a??a??. A?a??E?We are not going to go quietly in to the nightA?a??a??.

We learned all that in the last 2 years, not bad for a country that for the last 20+ years was the squatting pan toilet with no flushing mechanism for the rest of the world.

And I am glad my team lost, even with my vote! Hell, my whole family voted and they still lost. I couldnA?a??a??t have been happier.A?A?

So here we are, at a crossroad. Probably the greatest cross road we have come across yet.A?A? And I think we are taking the right road towards our destiny. Whatever it may beA?a??A? I know we are heading the right way. I think my children will grow up and never see a maggot ridden human body rotting inside a half burnt tyre outside their school or a decapitated head of a suicide bomber showing her teeth in a comical yet tragic grimace!

That alone is worth something, I am sure!

source:
http://www.lankajournal.org/?p=76

Security threat looming large in the east

posted by Editor at

Colombo Times

Lok adalat online complaint

Contrary to government claims the eastern province continues to remain unsafe and security threats are looming at large with LTTE armed cadres present at many places, said Puttlam District UNP parliamentarian Palitha Ranga Bandara at a media conference this morning at the opposition leaderA?a??a??s official residence in Colombo.
Since the Eastern PC elections , 22 police personnel were killed and 19 were seriously wounded in attacks by unidentified gunmen, the parliamentarian said. Quoting Senior DIG Mahinda BalasooriyaA?a??a??s report on the eastern security situation, he said that police personnel are absolutely unsafe in the eastern province facing threats of attacks which has resulted in discontinuation of night patrolling.According to the report, for any emergency, fully armed personnel in minimum two vehicles have undertake outdoor visits. They are also required to take walkie-talkie and other communication equipments for any emergency.

When President Mahindra Rajapakse went to declare open the Arugam Bay Bridge, the helicopter in which his entourage travelled came under attack from and the weapons used were a T-56 riflees which means that the LTTE cadres were present at close vicinity, Ranga Bandara said. The Kanjikkudicharu LTTE camp is still in existence and not LTTE camps have been evacuated, he said.

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http://www.thecolombotimes.com/2008/07/security-threat-looming-large-in-east.html

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At the opening of the new bridge built over Arugambay….

The UNP-led Opposition at logger heads with President Mahinda Rajapaksa over his cosy relationship with the armed breakaway LTTE faction headed by A?a??E?ColonelA?a??a?? Karuna Amman is seriously disturbed over the international communityA?a??a??s readiness to strike a working relationship with the group.

“We are disappointed,” a UNP MP told The Sunday Island. The international community shouldnA?a??a??t have contacted the TMVP now in control of the first Eastern Provincial Council, the Batticaloa Municipal Council and all Pradeshiya Sabhas in the Batticaloa District. This would only encourage the Rajapaksas and their newly found ally to step up the combined security forces campaign in the Vanni.

But Karuna who recently returned after serving a shortened prison term for violating British immigration laws is expected to keep a low profile.

The government has prohibited foreign governments sending representatives to Kilinochchi after the August, 2005, assassination of Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar in Colombo.

The government recently rejected an LTTE call to arrange Norwegian representatives to visit Kilinochchi to explore ways and means of kick starting peace negotiations.

The Tamil National Alliance, the SLMC and the JVP, too, criticised the international community for having contacts with the TMVP as the group hadnA?a??a??t de-commissioned its weapons. They said the Rajapaksas would take advantage of on and off meetings between the international community and the TMVP to strengthen their government which was pursuing a military solution. They accused the international community of taking a contradictory stand on the issue. On one hand, the international community wanted the government to disarm the TMVP while on the other hand, an undemocratically elected administration was being international endorsement, the JVP said.

In the run upto the EPC polls, JVP frontliner Anura Kumara Dissanayake accused India of promoting the TMVP-Rajapaksa relationship at the expense of the vast majority of people wanting the restoration of democracy.

The criticism comes hard on the heels of Sri LankaA?a??a??s Ambassador to the EU Ravinatha AriyasinghaA?a??a??s declaration that a visiting EU delegation would meet with EP Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan this week. This would be the first direct contact between the EPC administration and the EU, a Foreign Ministry official said, expressing relief that the EU had changed its previous stance.


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Order eldepryl Government sources expressed the belief the change of the international opinion had been influenced by rapidly deteriorating LTTE military power in the Vanni region where the army was on the advance on a wide front on both west and east of the A9 road.

The EU ParliamentA?a??a??s Delegation for Relations with the Countries of South Asia in Brussels would be headed by its Chairman Robert Evans, Socialist Group member of the UK and would include a cross section of the political groups and member states represented within the EU.

Last month, Sri Lanka declined to take a visiting EU delegation to the East after it refused to meet the newly installed ECP administration.

British Minister Lord Malloch Brown and the Netherlands Ambassador in Colombo Reynout Van Dijk last week met Chandrakanthan in Trincomalee. This followed US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Even Feigenbaum, US ChargedA?a??a?? Affairs James R. Moore and USAID Mission Director Rebecca Cohn appearing on one stage with President Rajapaksa and Chandrakanthan on July 1 at the opening of the new bridge built over Arugambay. The USAIDA?a??a??s flagship tsunami aid project had cost USD 10 million.

UPFA General Secretary and Minister Susil Premjayanth said the government fielded a TMVP candidate on the government list for the North Central Province at the August 23 election as they were confident of working with the group. “We have every confidence in them,” he said, describing the move as an extension of the government-TMVP political relationship.

The decision to accommodate Batticaloa Mayor Ms P. Sivageetha of the TMVP on the Consultative Committee on Humanitarian Assistance (CCHA) had facilitated its relationship with the Colombo embassies, the sources said. Human Rights Minister Mahinda Samaraweera had paved the way for the TMVP entry by inviting Ms Sivageetha to attend a CCHA meeting held in Colombo on April 29 with the participation of US Ambassador Robert Blake and UNICEF Country Director Philippe Duamelle. The CCHA chaired by Samarasinghe had brought the US, EU and UN together, the sources said, adding Ms Shivageetha during the April meeting was given the opportunity to address the gathering.

In her address, she had urged the donors to work through the newly elected Batticaloa MC.
source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/07/20/news3.html

Controversy over OiC death

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Controversy over HQI suicide in Kalmunai

13-07-2008

Controversy surrounded the death of Kalmunai Headquarters Inspector C.W. Wijetilake, after it was revealed that he had heard he was to be transferred while in the midst of conducting investigations into the previous dayA?A?A?s killing of three businessmen.The 57-year-old HQI Wijetilake who was conducting inquiries into the triple murder in Kalmunai town had returned to his quarters on Thursday night and was alleged to have shot himself in the head using his own T-56 weapon just before leaving for duty last morning. Police media spokesman Ranjith Gunasekara and Kalmunai Senior Superintendent Ananda Wijesuriya said the victim was a senior police officer with a career spanning more than 25 years and had been attached to Kalmunai station for four years.

On Thursday three men in their early twenties were shot dead by an unidentified gang in Kalmunai while travelling in a lorry loaded with mattresses for sale. Meanwhile UNP MP Dayasiri Jayasekera said the HQI had written down in a book some important information regarding the recent attack on a VIP helicopter in Arugambay Fosamax recommended length of treatment and the security situation in the East.

He claimed that police spokesman Ranjith Gunasekera had wanted the book sent to Colombo but the Kalmunai Magistrate had instructed that it be kept in Kalmunai as the book might contain vital evidence connected to the HQIA?A?A?s alleged suicide.

source:
http://www.lankaeverything.com/vinews/politics/20080713020747.php

War, Forever?

“I tremble to think of the future.A?a??A?.with history being made only in terms of outrage and violence”.

Tagore (quoted in Rabindranath Tagore: The Myriad-minded Man A?a??a?? Krishna Dutta and Andrew Robinson)

Vellupillai Pirapaharan is wedded to the goal of his own separate state; democracy, for him, is an anathema. Therefore as long as he is alive the LTTE cannot be accommodated within a democratic Lankan state. But there is no such incompatibility between Tamil nationalism and Sri Lanka. In fact a democratic Lankan state would need to accommodate Tamil nationalism via a generous dose of devolution, in order to achieve peace and stability and to remain whole, by pre-empting a Kosovo outcome.

Given Mr. PirapaharanA?a??a??s maximalism, the war against the LTTE is unavoidable. Though a negotiated settlement is impossible with the LTTE it is both possible and necessary vis-A?A?-vis Tamil nationalism. Therefore a war against Tamil nationalism is unnecessary and undesirable. The only possible, workable antidote to Tamil nationalism is the creation of a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities on the basis of equality and mutual tolerance. If we fail in that task, and if we try to respond to Tamil nationalism militarily, the Lankan conflict will never end. And that is the future Sri Lanka can expect from the Rajapakses.

The confirmation of this comes from none other than the Army Commander himself. At a meeting with a group of foreign correspondents Gen Sarath Fonseka has said, “Even if we finish the war, capture the whole of the north, still the LTTE might have some members joining themA?a??A?. There are people who believe in Tamil nationalism. The LTTE might survive another even two decades with about 1,000 cadres. But we will not be fighting in the same manner. It might continue as an insurgency forever” (BBC A?a??a?? 30.6.2008).

Prophetic words indeed. A never ending conflict will be our fate if the Lankan state fails to understand the difference between Tigers and Tamils, between Tiger fascism and Tamil nationalism. A never ending conflict will be our fate if the Lankan polity fails to win over/neutralise Tamil nationalism by coming up with a reasonable political solution to the ethnic problem. A never ending conflict will be our fate, if the regime clings to the unitary state at all costs, ignoring the need to allay Tamil fears and accommodate Tamil interests. Going by the Army CommanderA?a??a??s words, the powers that be are ready for such a long term conflict. Perhaps a perennial conflict is their interest, because it will enable them to use patriotism as a cover for unintelligent governance and to subdue political dissent using national security concerns. But for the country and the people such a perennial conflict will be an unmitigated disaster. Peace and development will remain elusive goals; democracy will be undermined; and Sri Lanka will become a less habitable place.

The World of Extremism

Extremism thinks in black and white. The Tigers methodically destroyed all intermediate spaces in Tamil polity and society, using as their justification a tenet that is fundamental to all fundamentalisms A?a??a?? anyone not with us is with the enemy. A disturbingly similar polarisation is happening in the South as the Rajapakses strengthen their stranglehold on the country (a feat that would have been impossible but for the presence of Ranil Wickremesinghe as the permanent Leader of the UNP). Opponents of the regime are being branded as traitors, a necessary prelude to the using of state power to cow them into silence and inactivity. This is evident in the regimeA?a??a??s approach to such diverse groups as media personnel and striking workers. Buy naltrexone hcl

The brunt of this process of polarisation is being borne by Lankan Tamils living in Sri Lanka, especially in the North-East. Both the LTTE and the government demand their uncritical allegiance. Any sign of dissatisfaction, any deviation from the official line by them is regarded as acts of treachery. The LTTE sees in Tamil parents, unhappy with its brutal conscription drive, traitors to the Tamil cause. The regime sees in Tamil civilians, critical of aerial bombings and indiscriminate shelling, traitors to the Lankan cause. The LTTE demands from Tamils total fealty to Tiger Eelam. The regime demands from Tamils total commitment to a unitary Sri Lanka. Neither side is willing to make allowances for a Tamil nationalism that is non/anti-Tiger and critical of the politico-military excesses of the Lankan state, opposed to a unitary Sri Lanka but willing to accept a united Sri Lanka.

President Mahinda Rajapakse does not even believe in the existence of an ethnic problem; at the ceremonial opening of the Arugam Bay bridge he reiterated that there is no A?a??E?communal conflictA?a??a?? in Sri Lanka. Given these ideological blinkers and the regimeA?a??a??s close alliance with Sinhala supremacist entities, a political solution is unlikely to materialise so long as Rajapakses are in power. In the eyes of the Rajapakse regime there is no real difference between Tamil nationalism and Tiger fascism; one is the other in disguise. This political hallucination is changing the nature of the war from a war against Tigers to a war against Tamils. The shocking story of a A?a??E?security operationA?a??a?? which forced around 800 Tamil residents of Colombo 15 to leave their houses in the early hours of morning to be videotaped is but one example of the regimeA?a??a??s proclivity to extend the war from Tamil Tigers to Tamils in general.

According to the Sunday Times of 6th July, Sri Lankan diplomatic missions have been ordered to request their host governments to ban commemorations of the Black July by LTTE A?a??E?front organisationsA?a??a??. If this request was made concerning the Black Tiger Day, the Great Heroes Day or any other date specific to the LTTE it would have been understandable (and necessary). But Black July was a Tamil tragedy. The victims of that orgy of violence were not Tigers but ordinary Tamil men, women and children. Therefore any attempt to prevent the commemoration of Black July (on the grounds that Tigers will benefit from such commemorations politically and financially) will be seen, correctly, as an anti-Tamil act, by the Tamils, the West and India.

Extremism is blind. It is the acme of inanity and insensitivity to try to prevent the Tamil Diaspora from commemorating Black July. Moreover no Western country will ban Black July commemorations. Firstly such a ban will be undemocratic (unless the demonstration is being organised by a proscribed entity); secondly these countries are sympathetic to Tamils and most of them do make a distinction between Tiger terrorism and Tamil nationalism. This ill-conceived request demonstrates yet again how the regime undermines the Lankan cause with its extremism and irrationalism.


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At the beginning of this war the government stated that the Tiger strength is limited to about 8,000 cadres. The Army Commander says that so far 9,000 Tigers have been killed, attributing this discrepancy to “additional Tiger recruitment, some of it forced, as well as deployment of home guards and police officers to fight” (BBC A?a??a?? 30.6.2008). If the Army CommanderA?a??a??s explanation is correct, it highlights an important factor in this war A?a??a?? the need to deprive the Tigers of new recruits. Given the emphasis Gen. Fonseka has placed on killing Tigers, it makes sense to ensure that the ones killed are not replaced with new ones. The fortunes of war therefore would partly depend on our capacity to wean the Tamil people away from the Tigers. If we fail to do so, we will enable the LTTE to prolong the war by gaining more recruits and more support, both nationally and internationally. As the UTHR points out in its latest report, “There is no doubt that the Government is bombing and shelling people who are prisoners of the LTTE. The young are conscripted in the manner that cattle come of age are taken to the slaughter houseA?a??A?..The new conscripts, who hoped against hope that they could escape, are put through brainwashing. Given the political reality of a detested government, most are turned aroundA?a??A?..” (Information Bulletin No. 46 A?a??a?? 8.7.2008).

Dangers Ahead

Playing with words and calling the war a A?a??E?humanitarian operationA?a??a?? will not work, particularly if the A?a??E?humanitarian operationA?a??a?? affects the Tamils on the ground in a way that is the polar opposite of A?a??E?humanitarianA?a??a??. The Human Rights Watch has accused the government of illegally detaining around 400 civilian Tamils who had fled into government controlled territory for safety from ongoing operations, in a camp in Kalimoddai, in Mannar, since March this year. “No court has authorized their detention and no charges have been filed against any of the campA?a??a??s occupants, in violation of international human rights lawA?a??A?A?a??A? The Sri Lankan army has publicly indicated that Kalimoddai is just the first of more proposed sites in Vavuniya district to detain persons fleeing fighting in the LTTE-held VanniA?a??A?.. On May 10 and 11, local authorities conducted a survey in Kalimoddai camp to assess the wishes of displaced persons on their preferred place of residence. Out of the then camp population of 257, only five families indicated a wish to remain in Kalimoddai. The large majority indicated that they wished to leave and had alternative places to stay, including with nearby host families. To date, unconfirmed information indicates only 28 people have been released” (Sri Lanka: End Internment of Displaced Persons A?a??a?? 3.7.2008).

Quite obviously this is not the way to treat the people fleeing Tiger territory to escape the ongoing war. Such treatment only proves the LTTE contention that the Lankan state is the enemy of the Tamil people and will treat them not as citizens but as enemy aliens. If the Tamils in the Tiger areas are assured of a friendly reception, freedom and better living conditions in government controlled areas, then many would be tempted to flee. But if all they can look forward to is the life of an unofficial prisoner, many may be tempted to join the Tigers, out of sheer desperation.

The regimeA?a??a??s tendency to see a Tiger in every Tamil is undermining our relations with Tamilnadu, as the fiasco of the fishermen demonstrates. It is important to prevent the LTTE from using some Tamilnadu fishermen to ferry arms. But this must not be done in a manner which antagonises most Tamilnadu fishermen and regional politicians. After all, in the final analysis it is the Tamilnadu factor which will be decisive in IndiaA?a??a??s Sri Lanka policy. This is particularly so, given the possibility of early elections (with the left withdrawing its support, the UPA regime has lost its majority; though it is expected to win the upcoming confidence vote it may remain unstable and thus acutely conscious of the next election). In this context the ongoing conflict between the Lankan Navy and Tamilnadu fishermen can take a turn that is extremely damaging to Lankan interests. Some of the fishermen are on a strike protesting against A?a??E?atrocitiesA?a??a?? by the Lankan Navy. If the strike spreads and a wave of anti-Lankan feeling becomes evident in Tamilnadu, the Central government may be compelled to A?a??E?do somethingA?a??a?? (against Sri Lanka) to pacify regional politicians and win the regional voters.

We may be able to defeat the Tigers militarily. But we will never be able to defeat Tamil nationalism militarily. The West and India will not permit us to do so. If the scenario mentioned by the Army Commander becomes a reality and the Eelam war continues, even after the defeat of the LTTE, as a counter-insurgency campaign against Tamil nationalism, the situation will be extremely conducive to a Kosovo outcome. With the odiously terroristic LTTE out of the way, India will have no compunction in donning the mantle of the A?a??E?protector of Tamil peopleA?a??a?? and stepping in with plan for de-facto separation, with the full backing of the West.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/07/13/features5.html

A Glimpse of the Future

Roas – registo online de actos dos solicitadores By Tisaranee Gunasekara

Asian Tribune

Column by column in a cloud of dust
They marched away enduring a belief
Whose logic brought them, somewhere else, to grief.

WH Auden (The Shield of Achilles)

The war is the Rajapakse administrationA?a??a??s one and only justification. Its self-assigned role is to wage the war as it should be waged and win, paving the way for peace and prosperity. It is in the hope of reaching that Promised Land (and soon) the masses are putting up with unprecedented hardships. But at his recent meeting with a group of foreign correspondents the Army Commander hinted at a vastly different future, a future in which the war might continue forever in the form of an insurgency: “Even if we finish the war, capture the whole of the north, still the LTTE might have some members joining themA?a??A?. There are people who believe in Tamil nationalism. The LTTE might survive another even two decades with about 1,000 cadres. But we will not be fighting in the same manner. It might continue as an insurgency forever” (BBC A?a??a?? 30.6.2008).

Prophetic words indeed. A Rajapakse future will be Sri LankaA?a??a??s fate as long as the UNP remains dormant and ineffective under the deadweight of its disastrous leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe. And going by Gen Sarath Fonseka that future will be one of unending violence and overarching extremism, because even if the regime manages to inflict a conclusive defeat on the LTTE, the war will continue as a counterinsurgency campaign against Tamil nationalism, perhaps A?a??E?foreverA?a??a??.

The scenario is not an unrealistic one. We may be able to defeat the Tigers militarily but we will never be able to defeat Tamil nationalism militarily. Quite apart from Tamil resistance (as distinct from Tiger terrorism) the West and India will not permit such a Sinhala victory over the Tamils. In fact if a Kosovo outcome may become inevitable if we respond to Tamil nationalism militarily. With the odiously terroristic LTTE out of the way, India will have no compunction in donning the mantle of the A?a??E?protector of Tamil peopleA?a??a?? and stepping in with plan for de-facto separation, with the full backing of the West.

Tiger Fascism and Tamil Nationalism

Vellupillai Pirapaharan is wedded to the goal of his own separate state; democracy, for him, is an anathema. Therefore as long as he is alive, the LTTE cannot be accommodated within a democratic Lankan state. But there is no such incompatibility between Tamil nationalism and Sri Lanka. In fact a democratic Lankan state would need to accommodate Tamil nationalism via a generous dose of devolution, in order to achieve peace and stability and to remain whole, by pre-empting a Kosovo outcome.

Given Mr. PirapaharanA?a??a??s maximalism the war against the LTTE is unavoidable. Though a negotiated settlement is impossible with the LTTE it is both possible and necessary vis-A?A?-vis Tamil nationalism. Therefore a war against Tamil nationalism is unnecessary and undesirable. The only possible, workable antidote to Tamil nationalism is the creation of a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities on the basis of equality and mutual tolerance. If we fail in that task, and if we try to respond to Tamil nationalism militarily, the Lankan conflict will never end. And that is the future Sri Lanka can expect from the Rajapakses.

Extremism thinks in black and white. The Tigers methodically destroyed all intermediate spaces in Tamil polity and society, using as their justification a tenet that is fundamental to all fundamentalisms A?a??a?? anyone not with us is with the enemy. A disturbingly similar polarisation is happening in the South as the Rajapakses strengthen their stranglehold on the country. Opponents of the regime are being branded as traitors, a necessary prelude to the using of state power to cow them into silence and inactivity. This is evident in the regimeA?a??a??s approach to such diverse groups as media personnel and striking workers.
The brunt of this process of polarisation is being borne by Lankan Tamils living in Sri Lanka, especially in the North-East.

Both the LTTE and the government demand their uncritical allegiance. Any sign of dissatisfaction, any deviation from the official line by them is regarded as acts of treachery. The LTTE sees in Tamil parents, unhappy with its brutal conscription drive, traitors to the Tamil cause. The regime sees in Tamil civilians, critical of aerial bombings and indiscriminate shelling, traitors to the Lankan cause. The LTTE demands from Tamils total fealty to Tiger Eelam. The regime demands from Tamils total commitment to a unitary Sri Lanka. Neither side is willing to make allowances for a Tamil nationalism that is non/anti-Tiger and critical of the politico-military excesses of the Lankan state, opposed to a unitary Sri Lanka but willing to accept a united Sri Lanka.

President Mahinda Rajapakse does not even believe in the existence of an ethnic problem; at the ceremonial opening of the Arugambay Bridge he reiterated that there is no A?a??E?communal conflictA?a??a?? in Sri Lanka. Given these ideological blinkers and the regimeA?a??a??s close alliance with Sinhala supremacist entities, a political solution is unlikely to materialise so long as Rajapakses are in power. In the eyes of the Rajapakse regime there is no real difference between Tamil nationalism and Tiger fascism; one is the other in disguise. This political hallucination is changing the nature of the war from a war against Tigers to a war against Tamils. The shocking story of a A?a??E?security operationA?a??a?? which forced around 800 Tamil residents of Colombo 15 to leave their houses in the early hours of morning to be videotaped is but one example of the regimeA?a??a??s proclivity to extend the war from Tamil Tigers to Tamils in general.

According to the Sunday Times Alli orlistat vendita online of 6th July Sri Lankan diplomatic missions have been ordered to request their host governments to ban the commemorations of the Black July by LTTE A?a??E?front organisationsA?a??a??. If this request was made concerning the Black Tiger Day, the Great Heroes Day or any other date specific to the LTTE it would have been understandable (and necessary). But Black July was a Tamil tragedy. The victims of that orgy of violence were not Tigers but ordinary Tamil men, women and children. Therefore any attempt to prevent the commemoration of Black July (on the grounds that Tigers will benefit from such commemorations politically and financially) will be seen, correctly, as an anti-Tamil act, by the Tamils, the West and India.

Extremism is blind. It is the acme of inanity and insensitivity to try to prevent the Tamil Diaspora from commemorating Black July. Moreover no Western country will ban Black July commemorations. Firstly such a ban will be undemocratic (unless the demonstration is being organised by a proscribed entity); secondly these countries are sympathetic to Tamils and most of them do make a distinction between Tiger terrorism and Tamil nationalism. This ill-conceived request demonstrates yet again how the regime undermines the Lankan cause with its extremism and irrationalism.

The Insanity of Extremism

According to a government report the gap between the forecasted and actual cash deficit for first five months of 2008 is a staggering Rs. 18.7 billion (the cash deficit forecasted for the period from Jan-May 2008 was Rs. 4.7 billion while the actual deficit was Rs. 23.4 billion). A?a??A?When outlays for investment were added the total cash deficit went to 76.9 billion rupees though the investment outflows were 5.9 billion less than original estimatesA?a??A? (LBO A?a??a?? 11.7.2008). Clearly the country is caught in an economic-financial labyrinth from which it cannot emerge so long as the Rajapakses are guiding its destinies. This is particularly so, if the regime plans to take on Tamil nationalism militarily, instead of responding to it politically, in the form of enhanced devolution.

The regimeA?a??a??s tendency to see a Tiger in every Tamil is undermining our relations with Tamil Nadu, as the fiasco of the fishermen demonstrates. It is important to prevent the LTTE from using some Tamil Nadu fishermen to ferry arms. But this must not be done in a manner which antagonises most Tamil Nadu fishermen and regional politicians. After all in the final analysis it is the Tamil Nadu factor which will be decisive in IndiaA?a??a??s Sri Lanka policy. This is particularly so, given the possibility of early elections in India. With the left withdrawing its support, the UPA regime has lost its majority; though it is expected to win the upcoming confidence vote it may remain unstable and thus acutely conscious of the next election. And whenever national elections are on the horizon in India, politicians in Delhi cannot but woo Tamil Nadu voters. Therefore if the fishermenA?a??a??s strike spreads and a wave of anti-Lankan feeling becomes evident in Tamil Nadu, the Central government may be compelled to A?a??E?do somethingA?a??a?? (against Sri Lanka) to pacify regional politicians and win the regional voters.

As the UTHR points out in its latest report, A?a??A?There is no doubt that the Government is bombing and shelling people who are prisoners of the LTTE. The young are conscripted in the manner that cattle come of age are taken to the slaughter houseA?a??A?..The new conscripts, who hoped against hope that they could escape, are put through brainwashing. Given the political reality of a detested government, most are turned aroundA?a??A?..A?a??A? (Information Bulletin No. 46 A?a??a?? 8.7.2008). The civilian Tamils are being victimised by both the Tigers and the Lankan state. Victimising civilians is wrong and unacceptable irrespective of who does it. Just as we condemn the latest brutal Tiger attack on a bus full of innocent men, women and children in Buttala, we need to be mindful of the horrors that are the daily lot of civilian Tamils in the North and parts of the East. Quite apart from the moral-ethical factors, it is only by understanding, acknowledging and sympathising with their suffering, we can win them over to the idea of a common Sri Lankan future. If, as we have done up to now, we respond to their suffering with callousness, we will drive those Tamils into the arms of the Tigers, thereby undermining the possibility of a lasting peace in an undivided Sri Lanka.

A never ending conflict will be our fate if the Lankan state fails to understand the difference between Tigers and Tamils, between Tiger fascism and Tamil nationalism. A never ending conflict will be our fate if the Lankan polity fails to win over/neutralise Tamil nationalism by coming up with a reasonable political solution to the ethnic problem. A never ending conflict will be our fate, if the regime clings to the unitary state at all costs; ignoring the need to alley Tamil fears and accommodate Tamil interests. Going by the Army CommanderA?a??a??s words the powers that be are ready for such a long term conflict. Perhaps a perennial conflict is their interest, because it will enable them to use patriotism as a cover for unintelligent governance and to subdue political dissent using national security concerns. But for the country and the people such a perennial conflict will be an unmitigated disaster. Peace and development will remain elusive goals; democracy will be undermined; and Sri Lanka will become a less habitable place.

The question is ours to answer: Is the absolute fidelity to the unitary state worth a never ending conflict which will drain the nationA?a??a??s resources and sap its energies, which might precipitate foreign intervention and a de factopartition of Sri Lanka?

– Asian Tribune –

source:
http://www.asiantribune.com/?q=node/12189

1 Comment:

While there is some truth in some of the statements made in the article, the writer goes about her usual merry ways of attacking the GOSL, attacking the President, distorting facts and advancing racial hatred through her misinterpretations.

The writer takes a bet each way by stating that the war against the LTTE is unavoidable and that a negotiated settlement is impossible with the LTTE and at the same time blame the Rajapakse administration for carrying on with a war.

By making a statement like “the West and India will not permit such a Sinhala victory over the Tamils”, the writer gives the interpretation that war is between the Sinhalese and Tamils. This is far from the truth. The war is against the terrorists and not with any race. We fought a similar situation when mostly Sinhalese JVP started an insurgency two decades ago. Was it not a majority Sinhalese Govt declaring a war against the terrorism involving Sinhalese. Why call this anything different now? I call this spreading of racial hatred and it has to be condemned in all forms.

However, I agree with the statement that “The only possible, workable antidote to Tamil nationalism is the creation of a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities on the basis of equality and mutual tolerance”. This may not be achieveable in a short period, but, should be our goal.

I also agree with the statement that “The Tigers methodically destroyed all intermediate spaces in Tamil polity and society,.. anyone not with us is with the enemy”

The article in sevaral places try to portray the image of the GOSL that they consider “Tamil Tigers and Tamils” as one and the same. This is far from the truth. However, it is common knowledge that all suicide bombers have been Tamils. Most Govt Ministers have made statements time and time again that the war is with Tamil Tiger Terrorists and not with Tamils. In fact there are many Tamil Ministers in the Govt and the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province is in the Govt coalition. This type of misinterpretations by the writer is not helpful to the country. The writer expect the Govt to create a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities on the basis of equality and mutual tolerance. I believe all of us including the writer have a role to
play in the creation of Lankan identity, not only the Govt. It is extremely unhelpful if one makes statements & interpretations that goes against the promotion of ethnic harmony.

We can afford to have people of differing views in the same country as long as there is no insurgency. From tht point of view, if LTTE dominated areas are brought under Govt. control, we may be able to deal with minor cases of harassment by LTTE sympathisers over time. No one should expect LTTE sympathisers to disapper overnight. This is probably what the Army Commander meant. He definitely did not mean that the current direction of the Govt is wrong.

Although I have no facts and figures, it may be correct that the gap between the forecasted and actual cash deficit for first five months of 2008 is a staggering Rs. 18.7 billion. This is not all due to waging war aginst Tiger Terrorists. A world bank report recently released stated that the food prices have gone up 75% around the world. The oil prices have sky rocketted and we are an oil importing nation. The perceived inference that everything is going wrong as a result of this war is totally misleading.

Another totally misleading statement is A?a??A?There is no doubt that the Government is bombing and shelling people who are prisoners of the LTTE”. Govt is not shelling people. The attacks are carefully targeting Tiger operations in the North and there had been a few reported civilian casulaties. Even Tamil Tiger broadcasts have not claimed that many civilian casualties due to aerial bombings. However, colateral damage cannot be totally avoided in war. The same report quoted by the writer states that most civilians are engaged by Tigers for their duties. How could one be sure if the civilians were killed while protecting terrorist installations or whether they were killed at their homes. I am, however, saddened by the fact that some civilians are effected in this manner.

The writer ends the article with furher statements not helpful to creating her vision of creating a Lankan identity encompassing all ethnic and religious communities. The article promotes racial hatred due to misinterpretation of facts and actions of the GOSL.

AbaY War Zone, 2008

Pssssst!
New, and very ‘ secret’ pics Order zestril are online of last night’s Parties @ Arugam Bay!
see link below!
What a dangerous place to endure!

http://picasaweb.google.com/arugamsurf/SomlakS33rdBDayDeenSParty

President moves strategically

President Mahinda Rajapaksa is moving strategically to win the two provincial council elections. He has the political acumen and versatility to convince the electorate that the UPFA government is doing the best for Sri Lanka as far as the economy and the war are concerned.

According to the government, the war is on a winning note and they are closing into the northern most strongholds of the LTTE.
Under these circumstances, the people will bear the hardships thrust upon them due to the escalating oil prices and the international trends, such as the global food shortage.

Formidable candidates

The President knows very well that the UNP has fielded a very formidable candidate for the North Central Province, Major General Janaka Perera, who has fought many decisive battles. He has been a very versatile Army officer that the Sri Lanka Army has produced during recent times.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga, after having considered his services to the nation, appointed him as the High Commissioner for Australia and thereafter for Indonesia, a very strategic location where Tiger activities are at a high pitch.
The PresidentA?a??a??s objective and the rationale in going for these two provincial council elections are to test the waters in a difficult situation.

He wants to ascertain whether the electorate backs him with his agenda to flush out terrorism. However, he needs to counter the UNP move. And the President was clever enough to choose a disabled candidate from the North Central Province to be fielded in the list to match the UNPA?a??a??s formidable candidate.

Upali Wijekoon, a junior officer of the Army who lost his limbs in the explosion that took the life of Lieutenant General Denzil Kobbekaduwa is the person who has been chosen by the UPFA.
Wijekoon met with the President last Wednesday at Temple Trees and he was seen in a wheelchair, being pushed around by his supporters.

Wijekoon is a hero indeed, and has the capacity to speak well on political platforms. His harrowing story of how he escaped the lethal landmine explosion is yet another innovative political story for the peasants of the North Central Province, which is sure to grab their attention.

He is a man of the soil and political analysts are of the view that the President had shown his maturity and keen grasp of the situation by nominating Upali to contest the provincial council elections.
President Rajapaksa also had various problems in finalising the two lists for these two provinces. At the same time, he had not chosen to cast aside people who had been known as loyalists of President Kumaratunga.

Old guard

Berty Premalal Dissanayake, the former North Central Province Chief Minister, was at one time a close associate of Kumaratunga, and continues to be so even today. However, President Rajapaksa had reposed utmost confidence in Dissanayake to win the electorate.

The only hindrance here is that Dissanayake is running for the third time as the chief ministerial candidate in the North Central Province. Perhaps a new face would have done better and many in the UPFA had yearned for new faces for both these provinces, which could attract the attention of the people.

The minus is that stale faces do not attract the new votes and the younger population. This is a problem not only for the UPFA but for the UNP too. In the UNP, the old guard is still active and they decide for the party and it is not sure as to whether the UNP is in a position to muster the support of the younger generation at grassroots level.

Though the UNP had been able to nominate a chief ministerial candidate for the North Central Province, it had failed to do so for the Sabaragamuwa Province. For Sabaragamuwa, the UNP hierarchy had decided to run an open list, with Neranjan Wijerathne, the former Diyawadana Nilame of the Dalada Maligawa, and popular film actor Ranjan Ramanayake heading the two districts.

This is to the UPFAA?a??a??s advantage. The UPFA will start its campaign in the Sabaragamuwa Province by focusing on the problems of the UNP A?a??a?? that the UNP was unable to field a chief ministerial candidate for Sabaragamuwa.

According to UNP insiders, the problems faced by the party hierarchy are numerous. They maintain that they were unable to field a chief ministerial candidate due to threats received by their nominees. This is what has happened to Upul Shantha Sannasgala, the UNP maintains.

SannasgalaA?a??a??s name was proposed by the, UNP hierarchy after consulting the seniors in the province who apparently did not want to come forward for a local election thinking that it would lower their image .but what they failed to understand was the attention and the focus they would have in the entire country during the period, even if they loose the elections.

Hakeem is one who exploited this situation for future benefit and Hisbullah was equally known to the whole country because he too portrayed the picture that he would be the Chief Minister of the East in the event the UPFA returns the highest number of Muslim members to the Eastern Provincial Council.

Ramanayake gains prominence
Fosamax without prescription
Both Dunesh Gankanda and Talatha Atukorale of the UNP failed to realise that they would come into the limelight if they contested as chief ministerial candidates. Now itA?a??a??s an open list where film star Ranjan Ramanayake is gaining prominence.
Though there were problems over RamanayakeA?a??a??s nomination to be included in the open list for Ratnapura District in the Sabaragamuwa Province, UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe surmounted all these after an intense discussion with Ramanayake, who promised to indulge in a fearless campaign for Sabaragamuwa.

UNP Leader Wickremesinghe sincerely wanted Atukorale to be the chief ministerial candidate but she was not ready to grab the opportunity because she felt that she had been sidelined by the UNP hierarchy by not being appointed as the district leader for Ratnapura.

The problem faced by Wickremesinghe was that there was no provision in the UNP Constitution to appoint the same person for two important positions. This was brought out when Wickremesinghe had discussions with Atukorale over her candidature for the chief ministerial post. Atukorale now heads the Lak Vanitha programme of the UNP.

However, the UNP has kept the Ratnapura District leadership open without appointing anybody. If Atukorale is not appointed, then it should go to Gankanda but the UNP has kept it open considering AtukoraleA?a??a??s political aspirations.

It is now up to Atukorale to decide whether she should head the Lak Vanitha, which is much higher in position, or become the political leader of the Ratnapura District.
Atukorale no doubt is a capable organiser who has the knowledge and the will to organise grassroots level organisations for the UNP.

However, there are people within the UNP who are trying to drive a wedge between Wickremesinghe and Atukorale. They have temporarily suspended the campaign against Wickremesinghe to oust him. The temporary lull is to see a bad defeat for the UNP in the two provinces in a bid to intensify their campaign.

But Wickremesinghe is sure of his candidates and that they could deliver the goods for him. More than anything, he has a lot of faith in his General Secretary Tissa Attanayake, who saved the day for him.
The move by the rebels within was to first oust Attanayake from the position of general secretary but Wickremesinghe, being a shrewder politician, foresaw all the problems that were accumulating within the party circles and acted in a more mature manner to avert the political landmines in his way.

AtukoraleA?a??a??s issues

When Atukorale came to Sri Lanka from a retreat in the US, there were two people who urged her not to accept the chief ministerial position. One was Lakshman Seneviratne and the other was Johnston Fernando. Even former UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema prevailed upon her to reject WickremesingheA?a??a??s call but Atukorale, given her grievances with the party, has fallen in line.

She had several rounds of talks with Wickremesinghe to sort out the problems she was facing within the Ratnapura District UNP organisation. At the same time, Wickremesinghe used emissaries to settle problems for him. The chief men he used in this task were S.B. Dissanayake and Sajith Premadasa. Both names have been proposed by the rebels and various other groups as suitable men to don the deputy leadership mantle of the party.
Wickremesinghe appears to have taken a cue from these proposals, to entrust them with the task of settling internal problems for him.

Now Premadasa would actively engage himself in canvassing in the North Central Province for Janaka Perera while Dissanayake would put his might in the Sabaragamuwa.
Janaka Perera, an experienced military officer, has once again come into the limelight after a long hiatus. The UNP organisation in Rajarata has apparently endorsed his candidacy and the UNP supporters are rallying around him.

However, the UPFA has a good candidate on its side. Upali Wijekoon can turn the tide towards the UPFA.
The JVP will simultaneously make inroads into the vote bank of the Rajarata and the prevailing situation will also favour it, although there is a split down the middle.

The Wimal Weerawansa group is more likely to campaign for the UPFA, endorsing the UPFAA?a??a??s military campaign in the north.
The most important for President Mahinda Rajapaksa at this juncture is to campaign in order to sustain his war effort in the north. If he is successful in this, he would be able to win the North Central Province, with Wijekoon in the forefront, who had sacrificed for the same of the motherland.

However, the cost of living and other problems will have a negative effect on the governmentA?a??a??s campaign. But President Rajapaksa, being a mature politician, will know how to turn things around in his favour.

HakeemA?a??a??s stance

In the meantime, UNP Leader Wickremesinghe is facing another problem owing to a hard decision taken by SLMC Leader Rauff Hakeem.
When the three SLMC leaders, namely Hakeem, Hassan Ali and Basheer Segu Dawood, resigned to contest the Eastern Provincial Council elections, they created three vacancies in Parliament.

One vacancy was filled by Mohamed Naushad, the UNPA?a??a??s convenor for the east. Naushad was next in line to succeed Hakeem in parliament and at present there are two vacancies in the National List, one created by Basheer Segu Dawood and the other by Hakeem.

Wickremesinghe recently had extensive discussions with Hakeem to nominate UNP National Organiser S.B. Dissanayake for one of the National List slots. Although DissanayakeA?a??a??s name was struck off the Electoral Register, the UNP Leader, after having consultations with leading lawyer Faiz Mustapha, agreed at the request of Dissanayake to appoint him as a Member of Parliament for one month.

The Elections Department is also in a quandary as to whether such an appointment would be legitimate.
If such an appointment was made by Wickremesinghe on the assumptions made by his lawyers, the Elections Commissioner would fall into a difficult situation. He would have no option but to consult the Attorney General. If the Attorney GeneralA?a??a??s ruling is contrary to the UNP lawyersA?a??a?? opinion, then there would be a legal battle and it is not clear whether Dissanayake would be able so sit in Parliament until such time the legal battle is over.

However, a political controversy and a huge legal issue have come to a standstill since Hakeem was adamant that he should be appointed to the National List slot from the UNP. He does not want to pave the way for Dissanayake even temporarily to test the waters, thinking that he would be compelled to stay out of Parliament permanently.

However, insiders in the UNP feel that Hakeem was virtually toeing the line of rebels in the party, who are against Dissanayake since they believe that Dissanayake was responsible for leaking out several crucial decisions of the UNP to the government.
At the moment, the whole thing has been put on hold and both the President and the UNP Leader were busy in finalising the nominations during the latter part of the week.

KarunaA?a??a??s return

As things stand, shrouded by political uncertainty, the latest is the re-emergence of former TMVP Leader Karuna Amman in the local political scene.
Karuna, who slipped into London through a forged diplomatic passport, was deported by the British authorities after languishing in jail for some time. He was escorted by British officials to Colombo on a special flight two days ago and then he was whisked off in a special vehicle with escorts.

It is not certain how Karuna would now face the political realities in the Eastern Province. Having broken off from the mainstream LTTE, Karuna made it possible for the government to extend its writ over the entire Eastern Province within a short period.
KarunaA?a??a??s departure from the LTTE took place during the premiership of Ranil Wickremesinghe, when the LTTE was engaged in talks with the government for a negotiated political settlement based on a more federal like solution.
Karuna slipped out of the east with the help of UNP MP, his erstwhile friend, Ali Zahir Moulana, who is now domiciled in the United States.

At the moment it is not clear as to how Karuna would react to the latest developments in the Eastern Province. Karuna was succeeded by Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, alias Pillaiyan, who is determined to not allow Karuna to take over the reins of the east.
Could this lead to another factional fight between the breakaway LTTEers is the pertinent question that arises given the re-emergence of Karuna.

If Karuna decides to return to the east, it will add new dimensions to the political equation in the Eastern Province. Or will he decide to leave the country permanently to another destination for his own safety?
The LTTE would be eagerly looking at the political developments in Colombo and in Batticaloa that would complicate things for the present administration.

Undoubtedly, President Rajapaksa is saddled with many problems while the SAARC Summit is around the corner.
The assault on media personnel has dismayed the President, who wanted to know who was behind this sinister campaign.

At the opening of the Arugam Bay Bridge, under the auspices of US Aid, the President pronounced that the assault on media personnel and subsequent harassments was a conspiracy against the government.
The President was right in saying that he realises the gravity of the situation since he was a friend of the media from the days he entered politics.

While in opposition and as the prime minister of Sri Lanka, Rajapaksa was the champion of the free media and he encouraged journalists to be free and fair and to stand up for the rights of the people. He promoted free expression by the media.
Therefore, the present trend of trying to stifle the media would cause immense problems for President Rajapaksa. It is certainly an attack on the pillars of democracy since there would be no democracy without a free media.
Media freedom

The people in a vibrant democracy have the right to know what is going on in the country and the media helps them to engage in a healthy debate and discussion on important matters for the state. That is how a democracy tests the pulse of the people.
Without a free media, there is no democracy. The President feels this as strongly as any other leader who has cherished democratic principles in the past.

He appeared to be perturbed over the present trend and he has personally called for the evidence that is available in the assault cases against journalists and engaged in a difficult exercise to bring the perpetrators to book.
He has already consulted Attorney General C.R. De Silva and asked him whether he would sift through the evidence available to take legal action against the elements are causing immense embarrassment to the President and to his political image.

It is by finding the culprits that the President could tell the country that he stands for democracy and a free media and the President is keen that the perpetrators should stand before court for trial.

It is therefore the announcement made by the Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI) and the publishers that would help the investigators to find out who the culprits are. If the investigators always come up with excuses that there is no evidence, the SLPI announcement would immensely help them to further their investigations.

The remarks made by Minister Keheliya Rambukwella and subsequently by the Police Spokesman could be condemned by all A?a??a?? that the journalists are setting up such incidents in order to get visas to go overseas. These statements, which have no basis, will surely be condemned by the government and those who cherish democratic traditions.

****

source:
http://www.nation.lk/2008/07/06/politics1.htm

Security boost for PresidentA?a??a??s chopper entourage

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The Nation The Air Force has decided to take additional security precautions in an attempt to ward off any unwarranted incidents in the future, following last weekA?a??a??s incident in Arugam Bay, when President Mahinda RajapaksaA?a??a??s support helicopter came under LTTE fire.

A?a??A?There are very few precautions that can be taken, such as employing tactical flying methods in the future as an additional security measure, in order to avert such incidents,A?a??A? Air Force Spokesman Wing Commander Janaka Nanayakkara told The Nation.

Speaking to The Nation, Police Spokesman SSP Ranjith Gunasekera said that Ampara SSP Ananda Wijesuriya was heading the investigations into the incident and that there had been no breakthrough.

He further said that the Police and the Army should take safety measures on the ground to prevent such incidents since the area is a government-controlled, cleared area.

Meanwhile, Military Spokesman Udaya Nanayakkara told The Nation that there were some precautions that could be taken to prevent such incidents but not all such precautions would be successful since the LTTE could sometimes infiltrate to carry out attacks in spite of the security measures.

source:
http://www.nation.lk/2008/07/06/news3.htm

Storm clouds over SAARC summit

  • Police and defence spokesman go crude or cynical over attacks on journalists Deltasone how much
  • Ranil rows through party crisis but squabbles continue
By Our Political Editor

A volley of probing questions by Muralidhar Reddy, the Colombo correspondent for India’s national newspaper Hindu, brought some revealing answers from defence spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella.
This week’s brutal attack on journalist Namal Perera and British High Commission staffer Mahendra Ratnaweera, the journalist noted, were not isolated ones. Perera is acting Manager, Media Advocacy and Media Freedom at the Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI) and Ratnaweera, Political Officer at the High Commission.

“These incidents have been occurring regularly and the Police have not got any lead. How do you ensure security during the summit later this month of leaders of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC)? Those attending the summit could become possible targets,” he said. The loquacious defence spokesman and Minister, Rambukwella, who has “ready made” answers to questions, responded, “What does SAARC have to do with this? It could even be a personal issue.”
The assault by goons who came in a white van with tinted windows occurred barely 100 metres outside the Military Police Headquarters at Kirullapone. It was also the same distance from the Ministry of Information (and the Government Information Department) from where many a dignitary of the Government piously pontificates on media freedom and vows to protect both democracy and journalists.
Details of the latest incident appear elsewhere in this newspaper. However, Reddy’s question and the answers Rambukwella gave are among major contributory factors that have triggered off concerns in the diplomatic dovecotes of SAARC countries. With only 22 days to go for the summit, some of the key players, The Sunday Times has learnt, are re-assessing the security environment and whether the climate would be safe for their leaders.

New IGP’s assurance

In the case of the assault of the duo, as has been in many other similar incidents, contradictions in statements by those in Government are galore. Medical personnel at a private hospital were still fighting to stop blood oozing out of the wounds of Perera and Ratnaweera, when then senior DIG Jayantha Wickremeratne arrived at the scene that Monday night. In the next few hours, he was assuming duties as the Inspector General of Police.

Speaking to British High Commissioner Peter Hayes outside the rooms of the two victims on the first floor of a private hospital, Wickremaratne said Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, had sent him there. That was to assure that a full investigation would be carried out to arrest the assailants. The same assurance was given to the two victims. He said the owner of the white van had been traced. It later turned out that the number plates (with different numbers in the front and the rear) were fake. One vehicle for which the number was assigned lay at a garage with its engine removed several months earlier. Another, was from a vehicle a hundred miles away.

The bashful or hearty laughter of UNP national organizer S. B. Dissanayke in response to a remark by President Mahinda Rajapaksa on Frday may add fuel to the political rumour mill which is already awash with speculation about his political moves. Mr. Dissanayake along with Ministers Mahinda Wijesekera and Bandula Gunawardena met the President to discuss events related to the 50th anniversary celebrations of the Vidyodaya University from which the trio graduated and the President was a young library assistant.

Later, as Police Chief Wickremaratne was to tell the media it was difficult to track down white vans. At any given time over a 500 of them were moving around in city roads. The Police spokesman held another view. SSP Ranjith Gunasekera told the media that some media personnel were using reported threats or assaults to claim asylum abroad. However, President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who declared open the US aided bridge at Arugam Bay said the assault was part of a conspiracy to embarrass the Government.
His remarks were to heighten concerns. If there were indeed conspirators who moved around with impunity past checkpoints and the presence of troops/policemen in the City, and could successfully evade arrest, whether security in the City of Colombo and suburbs was adequate was the question. Therefore, could those conspirators endanger the SAARC delegates and the large media contingent who will be there to cover the event?

Of course, security during SAARC has become the nightmare of the authorities. Latest proposals under consideration are to severely restrict entry and exit into the City of Colombo. Ministers and officials taking part in the SAARC summit are also likely to be booked into City hotels and provided security cover during their journey to the conference venue. Among the other security concerns for some SAARC countries is whether Tiger guerrillas will trigger any incidents either before or during the summit. Government officials have allayed their fears with assurances that fighting now is restricted to the Wanni. They have said the guerrillas will no longer be able to carry out any major attack.

Yet, the incident where the guerrillas fired at a helicopter of the Air Force VIP squadron over the skies of Kokkadicholai this week was also cause for concern. This helicopter was one of the ‘chasers’ to the helicopter in which President Rajapaksa flew for the ceremonies connected with the opening of the bridge at Arugam Bay. It had later flown to the SLAF base in Ampara (Uhana) to re-fuel when it was hit by small arms fire and forced to make an emergency landing.

Election fever

On the political front, Government leaders believe that the successful conduct of the SAARC and the “imminent successes” in the campaign against Tiger guerrillas in their stronghold of Wanni would augur well for the upcoming elections in the North Central Province and Sabaragamuwa provinces.

ominations concluded on Friday and both elections will be held on August 23. The twin issues, Government leaders argue, will be disadvantageous to the main opposition United National Party (UNP), which is already plagued by an internal crisis.

In the Opposition UNP, the rumblings seem to simmer down a bit, though its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe is not entirely out of the woods. On Tuesday, the Working Committee met, and it was former Health Minister Dr. Ranjit Atapattu from Beliatte who interrupted Wickremesinghe to ask him what the Committee of party seniors set up to study the grievances of a reformist group had come up with.

This Committee comprises those elected to Parliament in 1977 or before that, and is headed by John Amaratunga, a former Minister of Interior. Amaratunga himself was abroad, and Wickremesinghe had to stop in mid-stream and say he would deal with the subject later.

When later came, Wickremesinghe said the Committee was finalising its report, and that he was prepared to go along with its recommendations – provided there was unanimity in the way forward. Differences of opinion and pitting one against the other are now becoming legendary — and Wickremesinghe knows only too well that personality clashes will prevail over issue-based politics.
For instance, the recommendations of the three chief ‘reformists’ – Lakshman Seneviratne (Moneragala), Johnston Fernando (Kurunegala) and Jayalath Jayawardene (Gampaha) are to change the party constitution and clip the powers of the all-powerful party leader; and for the appointment of a new party chairman, deputy leader and three assistant leaders.

The vexed issue of whether Wickremesinghe should continue as both, the Opposition Leader and party leader has now been all but settled, with the demand to oust him from the latter post now fizzling out.
For party deputy leader (the post held by Karu Jayasuriya before his defection), the name recommended is incumbent party Chairman Rukman Senanayake. He was not present on Tuesday, but while there is no apparent objection to this move, the suggestion to make Joseph Michael Perera, the party chairman has run into a wall.

Jayalath Jayawardene had originally objected to this move. Both are from neighbouring constituencies of Ja-ela and Negombo, but the good doctor had later relented. However, Perera’s nomination was opposed on the grounds that he is a Catholic and the party is already under a cloud with the Buddhist majority having lost their confidence to some extent.

Then, there was the suggestion to make S.B. Dissanayake, the National Organiser who spends most of his time in Australia nowadays, Jayawickrema Perera from Kurunegala and young Sajith Premadasa from Hambantota as assistant leaders. There again, while Jayawickrama Perera was not an issue, there were some murmurs about Dissanayake because of his civic disability, and Premadasa due to his young age.

Dissanayake has been asking the leadership for a place in Parliament once his civic disability period is over – and the vacant seat of Muslim Congress (SLMC) leader Rauf Hakeem, but Hakeem seems to want to return the National Legislature, and this will put paid to Dissanayake’s re-entry to where he once held forth.

In the meantime, he has kept a line open with President Rajapaksa, earning the displeasure, and mistrust of UNPers. The point that young and not-so-young MPs who see themselves as future leaders were not even in the running for these posts – Ravi Karunanayake, Vajira Abeywardene etc., was also a matter for consternation in some quarters.

And so, the debate went on in the corridors and within the Working Committee of the Grand Old Party, and Wickremesinghe thriving on the differences said that the discussions should not revolve around persons but positions. But what he did not say, nor the party think of discussing, was that what was most important was neither persons nor positions, but the issues that the UNP had to take cognizance of if it was to reverse the losing trend, and start winning elections once again.

Lakshman Seneviratne, one of the frontline ‘reformists’ said he wanted to clarify matters. He had been talking behind closed doors that he felt the party leadership had ‘planted’ a story in a popular Sinhala daily that he was acting as the cat’s-paw for the 17 UNPers who abandoned the UNP and joined the Rajakapsa administration. Inside the Working Committee he rose to deny this, and said that he was a UNPer, would stand by the leadership and only wanted to ensure the party’s victory at future elections.
In this general state of confusion, Ranjit Atapattu, the elder statesman who raised the issue first, could only say that he had his own views to make to the Committee, and he was asked to convey them in due course. Wickremesinghe said the Committee should identify common issues and the party must come to some general agreement on these common issues, and with that neatly rode the rough waves against him to beach safely.

One of the most vociferous critics of Wickremesinghe, Johnston Fernando, a former Youth and Sports Minister had his lips sealed. There was not a word, not a hum from him right through the proceedings. Clearly, someone had advised him to keep mum.

Campaign funds

As the coming weeks will see heightened activity in the Sabaragamuwa and North Central Provinces in view of the August 23 elections, it was natural for the party hierarchy to discuss how best they were going to meet the challenge.

For the NCP, the UNP had a fairly powerful candidate in Major-General (Ret.) Janaka Perera, who was returning from Australia (this is not a new phenomena – most modern Sri Lankan politicians, Government and Opposition, seem to be having homes in foreign lands and politicking here) to his baptism in politics.
Perera had been testing the murky political waters for some time, dipping his toe, and running back to Australia. But now he has committed himself to the deep end of Sri Lankan politics, and he has taken upon himself an assignment no second to those he would have faced fighting the LTTE during his career in the army.

Before his arrival in Colombo, Perera has been asking whether he will have the financial resources from the party to mount what would be a fairly expensive campaign. He was assured party funds, but later began complaining that tight-fisted party managers were depriving him of funds. Now that he has got some of it, he has been told not to squander all of it in the first month itself, and to save some for closer to the polls date.

To face fire with fire, the government has put forward a wounded soldier, the sole survivor of the 1992 deaths of the country’s top-most Generals in the island of Kayts off Jaffna. This is proof that the government is not taking Maj-Gen. Perera’s entry into politics from the UNP lightly.

Sabragamuwa scenario

The UNP’s nominees for the Sabaragamuwa province however had a little coup de theatrics. Taken unaware by the announcement of the election, the UNP was obviously caught flat-footed. Its MPs from the area, Ms. Thalatha Atukorale and Dunesh Gankanda were thrust into the forefront by the party in the absence of a second rung of politicians. Atukorale had just returned from a visit to the US, and neither she nor Gankanda were keen to sacrifice their parliamentary seats, even if it meant being an apparent Chief Minister candidate for the entire province.

In to this vacuum, actor Ranjan Ramanayake threw his hat in from the blues – or in this case, the greens. According to party insiders, his candidature has been supported by Sudath Chandrasekera, a personal friend of his, and who wears the hat of private secretary to Wickremesinghe. A press interview had been arranged for Ramanayake where he said he was willing to come forward.

The party leadership, desperately searching for a team leader for Sabaragamuwa was delighted at the response. Atukorale and Gankanda were the first to lend their support, but it seemed that was more to get out of the situation themselves rather than any love for Ramanayake.

Former Diyawadana Nilame Neranjan Wijeyeratne also offered to contest if he was to be given the Chief Ministership should the UNP win. His long years as DN of the Sri Dalada Maligawa, the temple of the Tooth, would stand him in good stead in a mainly Sinhala-Buddhist province, whose centre of gravity is the holy Maha Saman Devale’ in Ratnapura.

However, Wijeyeratne’s candidature was shot down as soon as it took off. Those supporting Ramanayake, who ironically hails from the Catholic belt of Katana in the western province, with no connections whatsoever in Sabaragamuwa argued that should Wijeyeratne contest, the incumbent DN, Neelanga Dela Bandara would throw his weight against Wijeyeratne.

This is going on the basis that Bandara will not otherwise throw his weight behind the Rajapaksa administration, which fully backed his own candidacy when he was elected for the post he now holds.
The UNP hierarchy insists that Ramanayake can win the youth vote and with the traditional party votes, can make the difference.

Others think otherwise, and fear the party coming a cropper. To make matters worse, the party left out an up-and-coming grass-root level politician named Manju, a Praadeshiya Sabha member from Mawanella, whose inclusion was reportedly objected to by Kabir Hasheem, MP from Mawanella.

The UNP has to contend with some heavy-weights like Ministers John Seneviratne, Pavitra Wanniarachchi, Susantha Punchinilame and Mahinda Ratnathillake, seasoned politicians working the government machinery in the province.

The UNP was crowing over the fact that Punchinilame’s brother cum private secretary is going to be a UNP candidate. “He has crossed over”, said one prominent UNPer, but others said that the Punchinilames are UNPers anyway, just that Susantha Punchinilame joined the government, and it makes good insurance policy to hedge the bets.

The UNP also appointed two committees to spearhead the campaign in the two provinces. Rukman Senanayake will be the chief campaign coordinator for the North Central Province with Gamini Jaywickrema Perera being the Anuradhapura district coordinator and Lakshman Kiriella being the Polonnaruwa District coordinator. Others in the NCP campaign committee are Sajith Premadasa, P. Harrison, Earl Gunasekera, Chandrani Bandara and Dr. R. John Pulle.

The UNPA?a??a??s Sabaragamuwa campaign committee is headed by National Organiser S. B. Dissanayake with Ravindra Samaraweera being the Kegalle District coordinator and John Amaratunga Ratnapura coordinator.

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Others in the Sabaragamuwa campaign committee are: Thalatha Athukorale, Kabir Hashim, Dunesh Gankanda, Champika Premadasa and P. D. Kurukulasinghe. Not to be distracted though from the main objective of the Opposition, to oppose the government especially in Colombo, the UNP has also worked in a frenzy-like mood.

It has appointed its Kandy leader Lakshman Kiriella to ‘carry the party message’; Wickremasinghe himself will take charge of the ‘Ops Room’; there will be people tasked for ‘Fund Raising’; and next Wednesday (July 9) they will start recruiting volunteers who will take an oath to engage in Gandhian style (or JR style?) non-violent protest “until freedom is obtained”, as one party leader acclaimed.

Meanwhile, the violence has already begun. In Anuradhapura, three UNPers have been attacked, and in the recently liberated Dimbulagala, a sub-inspector of police and a police party arrived to arrest a UNP organiser – one policeman wearing the telephone number of the Opposition leader on his uniform lapel instead of a real number.
source:
http://www.sundaytimes.lk/080706/Columns/political.html

Notebook of a Nobody

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Abductions and arbitrary arrests are once again reaching alarming proportions, together with extra-judicial killings by all sides involved in our little dirty war. Often, abductions are followed by beatings (as in the recent cases of media persons) or mysterious disappearances. Pious statements of condemnation and “explanations” from apologists ring hollow because there is no redress for the victims and their families. Nobody is charged with these offences and the usual excuse is that there was no evidence or that no eye-witnesses have come forward. This certainly is not the professionalism that we expect of the law enforcement authorities. Our Police have had an enviable record in cracking complex crimes in the past. But now a culture of impunity exists when it comes to crime associated with political figures. It gives rise to a feeling shared by many that these crimes are being committed on the direction of political powerful masters.

Take the case of Joseph Pararajasingham, who was killed as he attended Christmas Mass at the Batticaloa Cathedral in 2005. There were several eye-witnesses who identified the killer but the Police have chosen to release this suspect. A Commission of Inquiry headed by High Court Judge Mahanama Tillakaratne was appointed to investigate this and similar crimes. We do not know what conclusions the Commissioner has arrived at. In any case, the report released in 2007 is presumably gathering dust in the PresidentA?a??a??s Office. The family has understandably lost any faith that the killers will ever be brought to justice.

But this is not an isolated case. Hundreds have been abducted and have disappeared; many have been openly killed. All parties A?a??a?? the LTTE, TMVP, EPDP and the security forces A?a??a?? are widely believed to be responsible for one or the other. The killing of the innocent students in Tricomalee, the aid workers in Mutur (both in the Trincomalee District), the Tamil and Muslim civilians in Allaipiddy (Jaffna District), in Pesalai (Mannar District) and Pottuvil (Ampara District), in the Farm School in the Vavuniya District, and the spate of civilians killed in bus bombings in Kebittigollawa (Anuradhapura District), Buttala (Moneragala District) and in several areas of the Colombo District show that terror from all sides covers all parts of the island. The cited incidents are only the ones that are well known. There are daily incidents of terror that are a part and parcel of the life of civilians in the North and East. Elsewhere, a fear psychosis is building up.

Community Level Peace Building

These abuses of human rights cannot be left for self-correction by the very forces engaged in these abuses. The civil society, the media and even our religious leaders have been basically intimidated into near silence. Nobody likes to be beaten up or incarcerated without charges for months. Except for a few with discernment, the public are deprived of access to the stories of abuse. History has shown that genuine peace building must grow as a peopleA?a??a??s movement. In MarcosA?a??a?? Philippines and in SuhartoA?a??a??s Indonesia it was peopleA?a??a??s power which overthrew repressive regimes. In South Africa and Northern Ireland, a peopleA?a??a??s movement supported by international pressure helped to restore peace and democracy. Such a peopleA?a??a??s movement is what this country needs at this stage. We need civil society and religious leaders who will challenge A?a??E?traitorA?a??a?? labels (as President Rajapakse courageously did during the 1988 insurgency) to give leadership to the people undergoing trauma.

Prof. Daya Somasundaram, then Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Jaffna and co-author with his colleagues in the University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) of the Broken Palmyrah, addressed the 2002 Annual Sessions of the Jaffna Science Association. What he stated in the context of Jaffna in 2002 is valid for the country as a whole today. He said: A?a??E?Community level peace building activities have to be initiated. The mode of thinking and acting has to change from a conflict-habituated system of suspicions, grievances, ethnocentrism, violent solutions and confrontation to a peace system with give and take, accommodation, flexibility, forgiveness, non-violence and a wider world-view. A fixed belligerent posture should not be engineered or orchestrated, but a creative response allowed to grow independently and spontaneously from below. Only then can genuine peace be sustained.”

Somasundaram is quite right that new initiatives need to taken at the grassroots. We should think anew and take a broader view of understanding the mind and frustrations of the A?a??E?otherA?a??a??. The media should set an example in this, despite the dangers involved. Too often, our media, particularly the Sinhala and Tamil media, do not promote the themes of national harmony and the respect for the human rights of all communities. Inconvenient truths are suppressed or worse, distorted. The media can be an indispensable tool for promoting public respect for democracy and human rights. Self censorship as practised now, for whatever reason, defeats the purpose for which the media exists A?a??a?? to disseminate knowledge and awareness. Chauvinism, from whomever it emanates, needs to be exposed for the harm it does to the future of our country.

Apologists and Red Herrings

We referred earlier to the case of 17 ACF workers who were killed in Mutur. This is being investigated by the Government appointed Commission of Inquiry (CoI). But it is indeed a pity that Prof Rajiva Wijesinha in a newspaper article this week has again returned to the theme of blaming the ACF for not withdrawing its workers from Mutur earlier. To borrow a phrase from Archbishop Desmond Tutu, it is obscene to draw this red herring. 17 young persons have brutally shot and killed in cold blood. We should find and punish the killers of this heinous crime. The University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) by meticulous research have been able to present evidence that identifies the killers. We should assist the Commission of Inquiry to investigate independently, including the evidence presented by the UTHR (J), and make their findings. It is truly obscene for this liberal turned apologist to draw a red herring by trying to shift the blame on the ACF. The ACF may or may not have exercised good judgment in keeping its staff in Mutur on that fateful day. The ACF exists to provide assistance in precisely such situations but this was an extraordinary situation, which the local management may not have realised. But that is not the real issue. These young persons have been brutally murdered. The real issue is to identify and bring their killers to justice.

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Whilst on the Mutur massacre, it may be pertinent to refer to another red herring that has been drawn in respect of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry headed by retired Supreme Court Justice. An eleven member International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) headed by retired Indian Supreme Court Chief Justice P N Bhagwati were present as international observers and to assist the CoI. The IIGEP withdrew earlier this year citing various reasons why they felt that the CoI may not be able to arrive at the truth. One of the reasons they gave was that there was a conflict of interests in the counsel from the Attorney GeneralA?a??a??s Department being closely involved in the collection and preparation of evidence and leading the questioning of witnesses. At least one of the leading counsel for the CoI had reportedly advised some of the original police investigations that are to be examined by the CoI. Counsel for the security forces whose conduct is under investigation have predictably drawn a red herring by accusing one of the Commissioners of a conflict of interest and accusing the Chairman Udalagama, a person of undoubted integrity, of misconduct. Are these 17 young persons and their families entitled to justice. There have been disturbing reports of the intimidation of witnesses, some of whom have had to flee the country. Others have simply refused to come forward out of fear.

Bishop Lakshman Wickremesinghe

Soon after the 1983 pogrom, and shortly before his death, Bishop Lakshman Wickremesinghe gave a stirring and oft-quoted pastoral address to his flock at Kurunagala. What he said then still remains valid after twenty five years: “The urgent demands of our national crisis must overcome personal, party and petty interests. We must pray for and support those who are trying to build convergence in the midst of divergence. Renewed dialogue between the Sinhala and Tamil leadership should not be delayed. The possibility of renewed violence remains in the background like a dark shadowA?a??A?. A genuine sharing of power between the majority and minorities has to emergeA?a??A?. There must be a real determination to reach a settlement. Otherwise, there will be increasing disorder along with increasing dictatorship.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/07/05/features6.html

No bridge too far against LTTE barbarism

Last Tuesday President Mahinda Rajapaksa travelled to Arugam Bay in the East for the ceremonial opening of the bridge that links Pottuvil, Arugam Bay and Panama. It replaces the former bridge over Arugam Bay that was “destroyed” (sic) in the tsunami of December 2004.

The $10 million bridge is considered the flagship project of the US GovernmentA?a??a??s $134 million tsunami reconstruction assistance programme in Sri Lanka and will provide an important boost to economic development in the Eastern Province.

Apart from this demonstration of the friendship between the United States and Sri Lanka, this bridge is also a symbol of the GovernmentA?a??a??s commitment to develop the East, and its opening was very much in sync with the Negenahira Udawa or Eastern Re-awakening programme.

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Arugam Bay bridge

This was one more practical example of the PresidentA?a??a??s policy of going ahead with development, despite the huge costs and other problems caused by the ongoing military operations to defeat terrorism.

With this new bridge the people in vast areas of the East that were largely separated will be brought much closer and many opportunities will be opened for more economic activities in these areas.

It is the importance of this bridge in improving the living conditions of people in the East, and giving them the opportunity to fully enjoy their liberation from the terror of the LTTE that prompted the President to be there in person for this event.

It is possibly the symbolism that the new Arugam Bay Bridge and its ceremonial opening gave to the GovernmentA?a??a??s efforts towards help realize the aspirations of the people of the East that made the LTTE pick on this particular event to attempt an attack on the PresidentA?a??a??s entourage, hoping it would be able to get at the President himself. The attempt failed. What was struck in the failed attempt was a back up helicopter that had gone to re-fuel after the choppers that brought the PresidentA?a??a??s party to the event had safely landed at Arugam Bay.

This was not a military event. It was also an event with diplomatic presence, including Evan Feigenbaum, the US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, who was there because of the US contribution for the new bridge, both in funds and expertise.

This was a peaceful event that was intended to provide better living conditions for the people of the East, including its Tamil people, whose liberation the LTTE claims it is fighting for.

In considering all of this, the LTTEA?a??a??s action last Tuesday in targeting a chopper of the PresidentA?a??a??s entourage, albeit one that had no passengers and was returning from fuelling, can only be seen both as a gross act of cowardice as well as one of monumental folly.

Cold-blooded

TULF leader V. Anandasangaree put this act of the LTTE in perspective when he described it as barbaric conduct, and showed how such acts can compel the whole world to join hands to crush it.

In a statement issued from Paris, the TULF leader and UNESCO Madanjeet Singh laureate on tolerance and non-violence, while condemning the attack, sought to tell Velupillai Prabhakaran that this attempted assassination was not less foolish than the cold-blooded murder of the former Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, masterminded by the LTTE leader.

His statement warned Prabhakaran that, this type of barbaric conduct on your part, which is virtually a challenge to the International Community, must cease immediately and the LTTE should agree for talks with the Government and lay down arms unconditionally.

At this rate they will lose even the little sympathy the International Community has for their cause – and not for them – resulting in the whole world joining hands to crush them completely. The developments that are taking place in different countries clearly show that this will take place sooner or later.

Whatever the LTTE may think of the GovernmentA?a??a??s strategies of development and seeking to give the people of the East the real fruits of their liberation from Armed Oppressors, there is ample evidence to show that the policy of the President and this Government lays stress on development, and especially the importance of connectivity and easier transport to achieve the tasks of development.

It was not long ago that the Government opened that other important bridge at Manampitiya, a new bridge that replaced the old rail-road bridge that was also washed away in the tsunami.

This was also an important opening to the East and is already showing the benefits it has brought to the people, especially in improving their economic conditions.

Road Builder

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The very word A?a??E?bridgesA?a??a?? indicates the bringing together of people and communities, of crossing barriers. They are a means of closer interaction among people who may have been separated for too long due to physical barriers.

As much as bridges reduce distances and bring people closer, making a significant contribution to the economic development of an area, they also help bring about understanding among people who have been kept apart for long, not only because of terrain, but also due to divisive politics and Armed attempts at destabilisation of the State and moves for separation.

The barbarism of the LTTE would not want to see any bridges built that would bring the people of this country together again, and take them on the path to peace and prosperity. The mindset of the terrorist does not want to see the divisions that they have either caused or exacerbated among communities heal, and the roots of tolerance and understanding take hold.

The terrorist, especially Prabhakaran and the LTTE, would think it best to kill off both the message and the messenger, the message being that of peace, understanding and reconciliation, and the messenger in this instance being the President, who having given the leadership to the liberation of the East from the clutches of terror, is actively working towards developing the region to give opportunities for advancement to the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim communities there.

More bridges will have to be built for this, and so it will be, despite the displeasure this may give to the LTTE.

Moving from bridges to roads, although there are many who say that there has been no development under this Government, this charge is contradicted when one sees the amount of work it has done in the area of providing better road facilities to the people.

If the British Governor Barnes gained repute as the Great Road Builder of Ceylon, it could well be that Mahinda Rajapaksa will rightly earn the honour and reputation of being the greatest road builder since independence.

This is best seen in the rural areas where there are literally thousands of kilometres of concrete surfaced roads, where once there were only cart tracks or paths where no vehicle could travel, bringing a great boon to the often neglected rural people.

This is also true of the national highways, where the road surfacing in most areas has been improved and new roads have been built or are being built where there was none earlier. Midst all this there is certainly a shortcoming seen in the roads maintained by the Provincial Councils.

This is a matter that will have to be addressed very soon both by the Government that allocates funds for development work of the PCs, as well as the public who will have to make the PCs more answerable to them on matters of development, especially road building and maintenance.

In the task of bringing people together the decided policy of this government includes the building of more than 200 bridges, which will contribute a great deal to bringing people and communities closer, making a positive impact on their livelihoods and economic opportunities, as well as paving the way for peace and understanding, whatever the LTTE or those opposed to such progress may feel about it.

Last stand

While Anandasangaree says the LTTEA?a??a??s barbarism would soon result in the whole world joining hands to crush them completely and that developments already taking place in different countries clearly show that this will take place sooner or later, there are more reports of the LTTEA?a??a??s growing weakness in the light of the military operations to eliminate terrorism from the country.

The latest such report is from A?a??E?Strategy PageA?a??a??, the authoritative website on military matters the world over. Earlier this week A?a??E?Strategy PageA?a??a?? reported that with more and more civilians living in North sneaking into Government controlled areas, the LTTE has mobilised everyone and everything for what appears to be a A?a??A?last stand,A?a??A? adding that A?a??E?Most of the Tamils in the North donA?a??a??t want to be a part of that [last stand], but opposing the LTTE can get you killed. So those who can are fleeing.A?a??a??

According to A?a??E?Strategy PageA?a??a?? most of the LTTE recruits are poorly trained, led largely via threats to themselves and their families and suffering from low morale. There is little ammo, because of the Navy blockade and the destruction of most of the LTTE boats.

The Government artillery and Air Force are finding more targets, thanks to the interrogation of captured or deserted LTTE fighters, and the long range army patrols inside LTTE territory.

By containing the LTTE to a small portion of the northern coast, the rest of the country has prospered. GDP was up 6.8 per cent last year, and is headed for a seven per cent increase this year,A?a??a?? it further said.

This analysis of the LTTEA?a??a??s increasing military weakness is supported by a writer in the Observer Magazine, special section of The Observer, one of the UKA?a??a??s leading mainstream Sunday newspapers, well known for its independent reporting and analysis. Euan Ferguson writing in last SundayA?a??a??s (June 29) issue of the Observer Magazine describes how the LTTE in its frustration at being thwarted in their attacks on the Government and military, are going for the softest targets of all, the impoverished working people of Sri Lanka.

He gives detailed accounts of how A?a??E?the LTTE, essentially pinned down in two territories, have taken to bombs, on trains and on busesA?a??a??, and that: A?a??E?Desperate tactics have been adopted by the Tigers, but there are increasing signs that by targeting innocent civilians they are fast losing whatever sympathies they once had within the majority Sinhalese populationA?a??a??. Not very far from what Anandasangaree states:

It adds that there has for long been fundraising in the UK for the LTTE; with the Sri Lankan Government estimating that 70m pounds is raised annually in Britain, despite the LTTE being a proscribed organization there.

Bus bombs and suicide killings

Writer Ferguson who has visited Sri Lanka for a second time (the first being in the aftermath of the tsunami in December 2004) describes in considerable detail, not seen by most wire service reports and those of quick-stop, fly-by-night foreign correspondents, how the LTTE targets the civilian population of Sri Lanka, especially its use of bus bombs and suicide killers, as it fails to make any gains in direct confrontations with the countryA?a??a??s Armed Forces.

The number of incidents reported show the writer has spent some time in Sri Lanka and had bothered to visit some of the sites of the tragedies caused by the LTTEA?a??a??s increasing barbarism.

Here are some relevant excerpts about the LTTEA?a??a??s bus bombs and suicide killings from the article titled A?a??E?Lost in ParadiseA?a??a??:

A?a??A?Here are not only the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) but their offshoot, the Black Tigers, the suicide squads. According to JaneA?a??a??s Information Group, between 1980 and 2000 the Tigers had carried out a total of 168 suicide attacks on civilians and military targets, easily exceeding those in the same period by Hezbollah and Hamas combined.

And, now, today, thwarted in their attacks on the Government and military, theyA?a??a??re going for the softest targets of all, the impoverished working people of Sri Lanka. The gloves came off again at the start of 2008, with the Government vowing to break the Tigers within a year.A?a??A?

A?a??A?For all those decades of suicide practice, youA?a??a??d think they might be getting the hang of it by now. But in ColomboA?a??a??s Fort Railway Station, a few weeks before my visit, it all went wrong again.

A female suicide bomber, coming off a train from the south, was spotted acting oddly by police – too many clothes for the cloying heat – and fled from the turnstile back into the station. By platform three she sat down and exploded. She took 11 others with her. The 11 dead included half a high school baseball team, and 92 were injured.A?a??A?

A?a??A?Indrani Fernando, saw a suspicious bag left under a seat near the back. When no one claimed it I told the crew and shouted at people to get off,A?a??a?? she says.

The bus halted in the middle of a junction and everyone filed off and began walking away, rather quickly, and the police were called.

Twenty seconds after the driver and conductor had climbed off, the bomb exploded: 10 passers-by were injured, among them children. Indrani later took a congratulatory call from the President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, thanking her for her vigilance. I go to see the bus, towed two miles away. The carcass is eviscerated, skeletal: no one would have survived.A?a??A?

A?a??A?Just before I arrived in Sri Lanka, another bus had been blown up a couple of kilometres outside Dambulla, an ancient holy rest-stop on the journey to the East. The 18 killed were almost all pilgrims, and included children.

In the remote southern town of Buttala the rebels had recently failed to kill most of the passengers on a bus with a simple bomb; so they gunned down 32 of them as they fled, in flames.

A?a??A?Desperate tactics have been adopted by the Tigers, but there are increasing signs that by targeting innocent civilians they are fast losing whatever sympathies they once had within the majority Sinhalese population.A?a??A?

A?a??A?And the rebels, essentially pinned down in two territories, have taken to bombs, on trains and on buses.A?a??A?

A?a??A?The night before I fly out I wander down to the beach at Colombo. Within a couple of weeks, it turns out, this unconscionable little war will have erupted ever faster.

A suicide bomber exploded successfully at the start of a marathon just outside Colombo, killing 13 (including a Government Minister). Then a parcel was left on the overhead rack of a bus leaving the depot at Piliyandala, just south of the capital: the fireball killed 24 and injured scores.A?a??A? (Courtesy: Observer Magazine UK)

Attacks on media

The new IGP Jayantha Wickremaratne has a major task at hand, with those who attacked journalist Namal Perera and the Political Affairs Officer of the UK High Commission Mahendra Ratnaweera (a person who is very close to the media) virtually handing him the first big case in his new office.

One hopes that the time Wickremaratne spent as Media Spokesman for the Police would make him more understanding of the situation that prevails, and the worries that journalists and media organisations face today.

While the number of attacks on journalists has been increasing in recent months, and the Police apparently drawing blank on all of them, the IGP will no doubt see the new urgency in tackling this issue with the PresidentA?a??a??s own statement made at Arugam Bay last Tuesday, the day after the attack of Perera and Ratnaweera, when he referred to the existence of a conspiracy to jeopardise and smear the name of the Government through the attacks on journalists.

It is now the task of the Police to get to the bottom of this conspiracy, which one hopes will see the end of this spate of attacks, that is certainly not helping in giving a good image to Sri Lanka and the Government, however sceptical some may be of the reasons for these attacks.

Going by the record so far, it is evident that it is not the number of police teams involved in any probe that matters, but the quality of the personnel and the direction given by those at the top of the Police. IGP Wickremaratne has thus found the best opportunity to prove his mettle as a police officer committed to upholding the Rule of Law.

source:
http://www.dailynews.lk/2008/07/05/fea02.asp