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Page 21 of 34

Bloody Red Tape

April 29, 2008 by jodevivre

Before I start this entry, I just want to say thanks to everyone for the comments and emails on my A?a??A?MysteriesA?a??A? post. Who knew so many of my friends would be so knowledgeable about toilets? I donA?a??a??t know what that says about youA?a??A? or meA?a??A?but I find it amusing nonetheless. Okay, on with the postA?a??A?

If there is one sure-fire thing IA?a??a??m going to gain from this Sri Lanka experience, it is patience. Unfortunately, IA?a??a??m not sure that patience was one of the big things that I was in need of before I came. Sure, I have no patience for idiots but, really, should anyone? Anyway, over the past 24 hours, I have encountered so many stumbling blocks and got myself tangled in so much red tape that I could probably fashion a sturdy noose out of it and hang myself. But I wonA?a??a??tA?a??A? patience, you see.

You may recall (did I tell you?) that after two weeks, I finally got a phone at home. IA?a??a??ve been waiting for said phone because it is the gateway to getting internet at home. Except apparently I donA?a??a??t have the right kind of phone. Mine is wireless and, according to the very unhelpful Sri Lanka Telecom representatives, I need a A?a??A?wire phone.A?a??A? So I logically asked them for a wire phone. But I canA?a??a??t do that because my landlordA?a??a??s name is on the account so he has to do the asking. The man is 100 years old and has a bum knee. Going to get my first phone was ordeal enough for him. Given that I made significant imaginary life changes the last time I tried to talk to him about the phone, IA?a??a??m really not looking forward to our next stressful conversation. I may end up pregnant.

Meanwhile, Sri Lankan Customs is still holding my package hostage. I have to write three letters requesting its release, go into town tomorrow during work hours to get a temporary VAT number and I probably have to drop a bag full of unmarked 1000 rupee bills in a garbage receptacle of their choosing before I get my bloody hairdryer. My computer, which our IT guy formatted for me to access wi-fi at the office now no longer able to access wi-fi anywhere else on the planet and I canA?a??a??t get the microphone in my headset or my webcam to work for more than one minute (just long enough to tease me that itA?a??a??s CAPABLE of working but chooses, infuriatingly, not to).

You just gotta laugh at it all. Oh woe is me A?a??a?? the challenges of my privileged life.

So I forgot to mention in my last entry something that made me laugh over the weekend. The fancy cafe the American girls and I went to is having a special food event. Apparently this is Hot Dog Week. Now this is a place that sells crepes and gourmet sandwiches and baked goods to die for but the big full-colour banner out front is trumpeting the awesome culinary masterpiece that is street meat. Yes, hot dogs with all sorts of different toppings (bun included!) are available, but only from April 25 to May 3. Get yours now.

Actually, I would totally welcome one of Oscar MayerA?a??a??s finest at lunchtime. During the day, there is absolutely no variety in what you can order from a Sri Lankan restaurant and, unfortunately, there are no fast food chains near my work. So every restaurant offers vegetable, chicken or fish curry. Or vegetable, chicken or fish buns. Now there are some very tasty dishes that IA?a??a??ve had since I arrived in Sri Lanka, but I canA?a??a??t find them anywhere during the day. But one evening as I was coming home after dark, I noticed that the street totally comes alive at dusk. From about 6 p.m. to 8 p.m. all of these food stalls emerge at the side of the road selling a variety of tasty things that are nowhere to be found during the day. They are like the vampires of food, except I am the one who wants to do the biting. The problem though is my office closes an hour before the vamps come out. And if I go home and then back to buy from these stalls, I have to take the food home again. That means I will need to go into my kitchen A?a??a?? after dark A?a??a?? to throw out the remnants. Oh dear. Oh, alright, ALRIGHT!! Maybe IA?a??a??ll break the no-kitchen-after-dark rule, but youA?a??a??re going to hear about it when I discover the rat party that goes on in there at night.

One of the things that I still havenA?a??a??t gotten used to is that in general, IA?a??a??m a total freak show here. It is partly amusing but most of the time itA?a??a??s just frustrating. EVERYONE looks at me. And most of these looks are not in a good way. They are prolonged stares that we would never give another human being out of politeness in Canada. IA?a??a??m talking discovering a new species stares. Stop walking kind of stares. Point and tug at your momA?a??a??s skirt stares. Actually turn around while youA?a??a??re driving a vehicle that could easily kill people kind of stares. Putting my shoulders under cover hasnA?a??a??t helped. And then Sunday morning, in search of breakfast food, I decided to go for a run. A very, very, VERY short run to the grocery store and back. And the running just made the staring worse. No one runs here. I knew this when I donned my sneakers, but sometimes you just gotta say A?a??A?screw itA?a??A? and embrace the freak in you.

Sunday was also BarbaraA?a??a??s birthday (one of the American girls), so that night, we went back to the fancy house where I had attended my first Sri Lankan birthday party to attend BarbaraA?a??a??s. It was a low-key affair with conversation, drinks, food and some easy listening radio (every English station in Sri Lanka seems to be easy listening). There was some yummy fresh guacamole. Guacamole! I hadnA?a??a??t even thought of that! All the ingredients are available at the local markets and itA?a??a??s healthy! This is another great reason to get to know people A?a??a?? to get meal ideas for when I start to eat again. J Tenormin nombre generico

I should also say an apology to Jesse. Turns out a Sri Lankan dog that was exported to England was infected with Rabies and has subsequently killed three Brits. All jokes about his neighbourA?a??a??s attack dog are retracted.

How much does olanzapine cost Phone Curiosities

Two more things A?a??a?? these fit in with nothing but they are things IA?a??a??ve observed and want to share. IA?a??a??ve noticed that both the Brits and the Sri Lankans have a habit, when rhyming off phone numbers or any number sequence, of saying A?a??A?doubleA?a??A? or A?a??A?tripleA?a??A?. When the first unhelpful telephone customer service rep referred me to the second one today, she said A?a??A?dial 2 triple five triple five.A?a??A? And it took me a couple of seconds to realize what she was saying. This wasnA?a??a??t the first time this has happened and the Americans stumble on it too. You wouldnA?a??a??t think that it is that confusing but it really is. A?a??A?The number is 0 triple 7 double 2 -1 – double 8 – 9A?a??A?. Uh, wha-?

Also, at both VSO and at Sewalanka (so I presume this is a pretty common office thing) staff canA?a??a??t make or receive phone calls directly. If I want to call out, I have to call the receptionist and tell her the number I want to call. She then hangs up, calls the person and then calls me back and connects us. To me, itA?a??a??s a highly inefficient system but I presume there is some logic to it. When I find out, IA?a??a??ll let you know.

source:
http://jodevivre.wordpress.com/

In the Eye of the Tiger. Part X

Sunday, 23 December 2007

Another Holiday

The yearly “Contract Break” rolled around again, it doesn’t seem that long ago that I was doing it last year. This year was a bit of a repeat of last year, it is such a long way to go to NZ that it is hardly worth doing on the shorter breaks so when the month long break comes, it seems to be the best option.

The A380 at Changi Airport

I went through Phuket again, Steve was having his 40th birthday so I thought I’d drop in for a couple of ales to help him celebrate. As per usual, it was a pretty crazy week. Highlight would have to be trying to rock n roll dance with a bemused and probably slightly scared Thai girl while Max, an English guy that lives there, belted out Elvis over the stereo of some bar. Should really stay off that Samsong I guess, does funny things to you…

Steve ringing the bell to bring in his birthday
Eddie helping Steve with his birthday bikini and water wings
The girls behind the bar in Sirocco – Goong, Fa and Aon

After that flew to Perth and down to Bunbury for a few days. I stayed with John and Ange, Ange was pretty pregnant by that stage (she’s due around Christmas or New Year). Did a bit of visiting around, saw some of the old flatties etc which was all nice. Went to Perth to catch up with Aza but he got the wrong month – he thought I was talking about December when I was actually talking about November. He’s still Spaza.

Langley Park in Perth

From Perth I trooped on to New Plymouth where I did some hardcore sleeping for a couple of days – achieved about 13 or 14 hours on the first couple of nights. Mum cooked me a lamb roast which was grand and I did a fair bit of lazing about and hanging out with my niece. After that I flew down to Christchurch, my first trip back there in a long time, maybe 6 years. Hasn’t changed too much. Caught up with Greg, Rik and Kate, Setter and Cheryl and Poo as well as doing a bit of shopping.

Mountains north of Christchurch
Greg’s dog Kupa

Next was Blenheim, I hired a relocation rental (which didn’t turn out Fincar price in india to be as cheap as I thought after petrol was $1.70 per litre) and drove up to Picton which was a nice drive. I stayed with Lorree (she was house sitting). On Saturday, along with Andrea, we went and played mini-golf on the Picton foreshore, where I got a resounding hiding from both the girls as they have both been playing a lot of golf lately and had home-course advantage (OK, I was just really crap). After that we had lunch and a few beers. The next day Lorree and I went across to Nelson to see Marco and Anna in Mapua where we had a nice BBQ lunch and a chat and then an icecream at the inlet.

The Kaikoura coast
Mapua
Marco and Isabella
Marlborough

The new week had me in a plane to Wellington, where I stayed with Luke and Anna. I hadn’t seen them in a long time, and they had moved back from Melbourne earlier in the year so it was good to catch up. We did a short pub crawl then went to a Japanese restaurant, then another short pub crawl before having to go home as everything shuts quite early (or doesn’t open) on a Monday night in Wellington. Except for Luke and Anna’s house, where the bar was open until about 4am… Whilst in Wellington I also had lunch with Sean Gledhill and caught up with my cousins in Lower Hutt and my Aunt in Paraparaumu.

Paekakariki and Paraparaumu from Paekakariki Hill
Kapiti Island

Then it was on up to Hawkes Bay for a night with Jock and Kylie before back to Taranaki for Georgia’s 6th birthday party (kids can be so tiring, and I was only there for 1 1/2 hours with all of them!). Next day was on up to Auckland, where I had lunch with Theuns (who I used to work with in Napier) and also saw my Aunty Pat and Uncle Denis and cousins Brian and Craig. Craig had just arrived from Sweden and it’s been a few years since I saw them so we had a cuppa and a chinwag.

Georgia’s “rock star” birthday party – shes in the blue T-shirt and headband

I flew back through Singapore (11 hours, ouch) for an overnight. I got upgraded to a suite at the hotel but couldn’t really enjoy it fully as I was absolutely knackered and only there for about 8 hours, most of which was sleeping. Then back to Colombo where I got stuck until the day before Christmas Eve. Now I’m back out east for Christmas and New Year, Christmas will be in Arugam Bay and New Year I’m not sure about yet.

Sunday, 21 October 2007

Work and Play

Just so it doesn’t look like it’s all fun and no work here, I’ve added a couple of pics of some of the roads I am doing at the moment. I’m just about finished the bottom layer of a couple of kilometers, with the macadam (stone) and surfacing to seal it all off will be started soon. We’re going balls to the wall to try and get as much finished off before the rain, but I fear we may be fighting a losing battle.

First (or sub-base for you engineers) layer in Lahugala
Setting out in Panama

Also, here are a couple of photos of beaches that we are lucky enough to be able to enjoy. Both are pretty deserted (Pottuvil Point has a reasonable break so it does get a lot of surfers when it is on) at present which makes them nice. Peanut Farm has a lovely gentle slope and is very calm at the moment, I had a very peaceful swim around there last weekend.

Peanut Farm
Pottuvil Point. How’s the serenity?

This weekend Fergus and I went down and spent Saturday afternoon at Pottuvil Point, where we went for a wee paddle around the lagoon on a contraption consisting of a pallet nailed to a couple of the local fishing “canoes”. During the wet season we’ll get a couple of big torches and go out at night and try and spot crocodiles (there are some “beauties” in there”). Merete (the owner of Stardust where I was staying at the beginning of the year) had the opening party for her restaurant on Saturday night, which she has finished rebuilding after the tsunami. It’s been a bit of a labour of love for her, slowly slowly at times, but she is pretty happy she has finished and it is a beautiful building with great views of the sea and a nice breeze to keep it all cool.

Last week the LTTE attacked a small Army camp south of Panama, inside the Yala National Park. The usual knee-jerk reaction happened, with the military sending in a whole bunch of troops to look for them but by the time they arrived they were long gone. However they have decided to piss everyone off and cut off the mobile networks again in Thirukkovil and Akkaraipattu, and also this time in Pottuvil which they didn’t do last time, so I am kind of cut off with telecoms at the moment, probably for another week or so. It ain’t so bad though.

South Africa won the world cup, at least it wasn’t the Poms. But I’m over rugby…

Saturday, 20 October 2007

Gooooooooooood Morning Viet Nam

So off I toodled to Veit Nam (Ha Noi to be precise) for a couple of days for a conference, my nice mid-stint break. I was a little bit excited, a new country and all, and also a chance to get a bit more of an understanding of what the hell we are up to here.
Part of Ha Noi from the hotel
The Red River. It’s not so red, and not as famous as the Mekong

Fergus and I went for the SEACAP (South East Asian Community Access Project) conference. SEACAP is being implemented in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam at present but UNOPS has also secured a contract to implement a similar programme in Sri Lanka in the near future. Basically it’s about assisting with developing national standards for rural roads and providing reliable road access to vulnerable rural communities, kind of the same How much remeron does it take to overdose that we are doing under our EU funded project. We get to build 200 different trial sections and do lots of nerdy engineering stuff with them.

The conference was on 2 days but we arrived a little early so had a free day to have a bit of a wander around the city. Didn’t get too far as it rained a bit (wet season so hardly surprising) so we went and hid in a coffee shop for a couple of hours. After that we wandered through the city, got accosted by a lady trying to sell us t-shirts, who actually followed us down the road on a motorbike twice to show us different stock. Full marks for persistance…We ended up at a small bar/restaurant thing next to the lake which was pleasant (and cheap) for a couple of beers and watch the madness that was going on as the lads from three adjacent restaurants tried to get customers. The later it got into the evening, the more chaos there was as they tried to stop motorbikes and cars, and with “valet” motorbike parking, people would just get off their bikes and leave them in the middle of the road until the lads moved them.

Fergus and a statue

Crazy wiring


Me and a big glass o’ beer. Very heavy, had to lighten it a little…

video
Drummers at the conference dinner


Anyway I quite liked Ha Noi and Viet Nam (what I saw of it at least) and I think it will go on the “visit when I decide to give myself a nice, long holiday” list. One thing that did intrigue me was how they used a version of the Roman alphabet and not script like the Thai or Khmer language or characters like the Chinese. I guess it is a result of the French colonisation.

After Ha Noi, Fergus and I flew to Bangkok for the weekend, after Fergus decided that as it was his birthday on Saturday we shouldn’t spend it in stinky old Colombo. We got in late Thursday night and retired after some pizza and beer just down the road from the hotel.


Bangkok is pretty damned big

On Friday we slept late and eventually I got in touch with Bernardo, the son of Manoel (who we work with). He was in Bangkok on a visa run for a couple of days, so he came over to meet us. We ducked across Sukhumvit Road (a very quick duck, because it is a bloody busy road) and went to the Lebanese quarter for some kebabs and stuff, then jumped on the Skytrain to go to Siam Square and do a bit of shopping. On the top floor of the shopping centre they have car shops – Ferrari, Maserati, Porsche, Lamborghini etc – so we did a bit of tyre kicking and wondered how the bloody hell they got them up the escalators, and how the bloody hell we could scam them into thinking we could afford to buy one so we could go for a test drive.
Bernardo and Fergus outside Siam Paragon shopping centre
I’m not a big shopper so little things amuse me when shopping, like in the Levi’s shop when the shop girl told Bernardo he was fat and laughed at him, as the size he asked for (that he usually buys, according to him) didn’t fit. He spent the next 30 minutes muttering to himself about it as we walked around the shop.After whiling away a few hours there, we hightailed it back to the hotel to change as we had tickets for the Muay Thai at Lumpini Stadium that evening. We picked the wrong time to travel across town (Bernardo was staying on the other side to us), then travel back to the stadium as it took forever but was kind of cool to see Bangkok’s night action beginning, with all the food stalls and markets springing up everywhere.

We had almost ringside seats at the kickboxing, and they bring beer and food to you so you don’t have to miss any of the action. Early in the night they have the younger, lighter fighters and the more experienced guys later. Unfortunately we had to leave after about an hour or so as we were late for meeting up with Fergus’ friends in a pub somewhere. Bernardo and I could have stayed longer but as we had no idea where the hell we were going, we had to leave with Fergus. We just really wanted to see some teeth go flying…

Kickboxing action

video
Kickboxing Video. The guys in the corners (at the end) were hilarious. Waaaay!

Then we moved on to some pub somewhere and met up with some of Fergus’ friends from when he went to AIT. They were a good bunch and the pub had a good live band playing. However they also sold Whisky and Tequila by the bottle, so I’m sure you can figure out what happened then…I woke up some time the next afternoon, feeling quite strange but I put that down to the Sam Song (Thai rum). Fergus went out that night to have dinner at his friends house which was just down the road from the hotel, but I couldn’t face it and stayed in and went to bed early. We later discovered that no-one could remember who actually paid at the pub, until we got back to Sri Lanka and Bernardo filled us in. Fun times.I like Bangkok, crazy city with heaps and heaps happening all the time. Very noisy and quite polluted though, could get to you after a while.

Sunday, 7 October 2007

My thoughts on Rugby

Rugby is a stupid game. That is all.PS Ha Ha Australia

Sunday, 30 September 2007

My Shitty Week

Just thought I’d share my shitty week. It was pretty shitty.

Shit Monday: My driver got fired after 1 1/2 years. To be honest he probably deserved it. Bright Spot: Got given 1 kilo of wild pork in Panama (the town, not the country)
Shit Tuesday: Tractor driver working for us in Pottuvil got arrested for “illegally” transporting sand between 2 sites, I spend 1 hour trying to get him released then another 2 at the court.
Shit Wednesday: Meeting with Police in Pottuvil to make sure it doesn’t happen again. Bright Spot: The Pottuvil Divisional Secretary (Government Rep) ragging on the Chairman of the Pottuvil Pradeshiya Sabha (Local Council) for 10 minutes about how hard he finds it to work in Pottuvil, and how he has never had so many problems in any other division he has worked in over the past 20 years. We agree.
Shit Thursday: Not much on the shittiness front this day.
Shit Friday: Boundary wall collapses on a site and kills one labourer and injures another. ’nuff said. Visit wailing family, accident site, got offered to see the body but turned it down. Police arrest Technical Officer and Supervisor but release later. Bright Spot: Get another 4 kilos of Panama pork
Shit Saturday: Visit other man in hospital. Bright Spot: Seems like he will be OK with no lasting damage. Fiji beats Wales (sorry, South Pacific solidarity and our Security guy is a big Fijian).
Shit Sunday: Get some sort of weird allergic reaction to something and lips around left corner of my mouth swell up for a few hours. Bright Spot: BBQing some of Friday’s pork tonight. Have lunch in Arugam Bay with Dawn as she is leaving for a few months. Get word that Annette will be back soon. Don’t have to deal with anything to do with work. Guys are here installing generator so I might be able to sleep in AC at nights now (it’s really hot at the moment).

Conclusion: This week SUCKED.

Had to share that. Hope to have some pics from Ha Noi and Bangkok up soon.

source:
http://intheeyeofthetiger.blogspot.com/

Eastern Province Muslis and Provincial Council Election

by M. I. M. Mohideen
In the absence of official figures from the Government Department of Census and Statistics, the population of the Eastern Province and the eligibility to seats in the Provincial Council according to the ethnic ratio may be expressed as follows:

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The ruling UPFA contesting in alliance with the TMVP and the Muslim ministers in the present government has had talks with the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) to form a common list for the Eastern Provincial Council election scheduled to be held on May 10. SLMC had rejected the proposal.

At a meeting of Muslim civil society and religious leaders with the SLMC leader and party High Command members to join all Muslim parties under one common symbol, Mr. Hakeem had said that the SLMC would contest only under their own symbol the Tree.

But the SLMC is now contesting the Eastern Provincial Council election in alliance with the UNP under the Elephant symbol.

The TMVP leader Sivanesan Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan is insisting that a Tamil should be the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province. But President Mahinda Rajapaksa has said that the Chief MinisterA?a??a??s post would be available for the party which gets the majority seats at the election.

If Pillayan becomes the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province, he will have at his disposal an armed force of his own and the powers on land, local government and public administration.

………………..

In the last 50 or 60 years, during which Sri Lankan government mounted a constitutional struggle, you will not come across a solitary Muslim voice against the aspirations of the Sinhala people. Muslim representatives did not go before Royal Commissions, or have they gone before the international community with any accusation and sought to blacken the image of Sri Lanka government. In fact, if there is one community that could legitimately complain of being discriminated against in the field of education, land alienation, public administration and security which come under the purview of the state, it could be the Muslims.

There are a number of events occurring in the East which directly affect the Muslim people. Muslims cannot understand why the government is not taking their concerns seriously. They have the feeling that they are being left to the grace and favour and the mercy of the TMVP which is a heavily armed terrorist organisation with a high record of atrocities against the Muslims in the East.

After the ceasefire during the UNP regime, the Muslims have been denied access to mosques during mass agitation promoted by the LTTE. Further, there are the incidents at Muttur, Kinniya, Valachenai, Eravur, Addalachchenai and Akkaraipattu where the LTTE – Karuna / Pillayan group and other Tamil militants destroyed properties worth billions and abducted and killed hundreds of Muslims while praying in mosques.

LTTE-Tamils are unlawfully occupying 63,000 acres of agricultural land belonging to 15,000 Muslim Families in the East.

Ampara District

Former Muslim majority Panamapattu DRO Division, 472 sq. miles, population 26,916. When redemarcating the new administrative divisions, 19,831 – 74% Muslim Majority Pottuvil AGA Division was given only 22% – 103.9 sq. miles and the balance 78% – 368.2 sq. miles land area was allocated to the 7,085 – 26% Sinhala majority Lahugala AGA division. Now the Sinhalese and the STF in Lahugala are objecting the Muslims cultivating the state land which they have been cultivating on government permit earlier.

In the Sammanthurai Muslim majority DRO division, nearly 50 sq. miles of land area covering the Hardy Institute, Ampara Tank and the Town area was separated and added to the Sinhala majority Wewagampattu South – Uhana AGA division.

When compared with the land area of Sinhala majority Lahugala AGA division and the land areas of Muslim majority Kalmunai AGA division, the Sinhalese are having 208 times more than the land area of the Muslims. When comparing the land areas for the Sinhalese with the land area for the Muslims in the Muslim Majority Ampara District, the Sinhalese land area is 13 times more than the Muslim land area.

Batticaloa District

Serious issues have been raised by Muslims of Batticaloa on the ongoing activities of the several international organizations assisted by the government and the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) in resettling the displaced Tamils on lands owned by the Muslims.

After 1985, LTTE forcibly occupied Muslim residential, agricultural and cattle farming lands – more than 35,000 acres in areas under their control. The GOSL did nothing to restore these properties owned by the Muslims on title deeds, government permits and the paddy cultivation register.

The displaced Muslims suffered untold hardships during the last 22 years. Now after the GOSL cleared these areas of the LTTE, the TVMP of Pillayan with the help of the government security

forces and INGO assistance, is putting up permanent houses, churches, temples and schools in the Muslim lands forcibly occupied by the LTTE without any consideration for MuslimsA?a??a?? right to settle the displaced Muslims who are the lawful owners of these lands.

The Batticaloa district consists of 14 Pradeshiya Sabhas and covering an extent of 2633 sq. km. There are four predominantly Muslim DS divisions and the land area – Kattankudi 3.4 sq. km. Eravur Town 3.89 sq. km., Koralaipaththu West (Ottamavadi) 6.84 sq. km. Koralaipaththu Central 6.50 sq. km. Total extent of Muslim land area approximately 20.0 sq. km., which is less than 1.0% of the total area of Batticaloa District where the Muslim population is 33% today.

Although the Local Government Commission declared Koralaipaththu Central – the area of historical habitation of the Muslims, covering more than 240 sq. km. and consisting of 11 Grama Sevaka Niladhari divisions, the boundaries have not yet been demarcated on ground. The TMVP of Pillayan has encroached on more than 110 sq. km.

Of the agricultural and cattle farm lands, more than 12,000 acres owned by the Eravur Muslims lie along the Chenkaladi – Badulla – A5 road. Today the entire area along this road has come under the control of GOSL armed forces. Arrangements are being made now to bring back the Tamils who have been unlawfully occupying Muslim lands and settle them permanently by the TMVP of Pillayan and the Government armed forces without any consideration of the displaced Muslims by the LTTE.

During the ethnic conflict 1983, 1985, 1990 etc., more than 12,700 Muslim families were chased out by the LTTE and they forcibly occupied all the Muslim lands that came under LTTE control. The GOSL did nothing to provide any relief or pay compensation for the loss of livelihood of these displaced Muslims.

Resettlement of displaced Tamils on Muslim land in Iyankeni, Meerakerni, Mitchanagar, Hidayathanagar, Thakvanagar in and around Eravurpathu Pradeshiya Sabha would further deteriorate the peaceful co-existence of Muslims and Tamils in Eravur.

Ollikulam, Sikaram, Karbela, Palamunai, Kankayan Odai, Keechampallam are the Muslim border villages of Kattankudi in Arayampathi Pradeshiya Sabha. Displaced Tamils after the A?a??E?TsunamiA?a??a?? and GOSL military operations to flush the LTTE terrorists in the Paduvankarai Tamil villages have been temporarily settled in private lands owned by the Muslims and the Mosques. Now the TMVP of Pillayan with the assistance of government armed forces and help from INGOA?a??a??s is making arrangements to provide accommodation to settle the displaced Tamils who have come from Paduwankarai Tamil areas, permanently on land belonging to the Muslims and the mosques, depriving the Muslims, the lands belonging to them.

Trincomalee District


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Kuchchaveli in Trincomalee district is a predominantly Muslim area. Total population 29,967 and 8,058 families. 65% Muslims 19,443, 31% Tamils 9,282, 3% Christians 905 and 01% Sinhalese 337. Kuchchaveli Pradeshiya Sabha 9 members, Muslims 6, Tamils 3.

But the Divisional Secretary is a Tamil in the predominantly Muslim division. Of the total number of 24 grama niladharies 65% Muslims are given only 7 GSs and the balance 17 GSs are given to the Tamils who are only 35%. Average population of a Tamil GS division is 250 people whereas the population in the Muslims GS division is around 1350.

After de-merging in October 2006, the Eastern Province administration is being ethnically transformed. Appointing retired administrative and security officials well-equipped to implement the A?a??E?SinhalisationA?a??a?? process.

Sri Lanka government has designed a new flag for the Eastern Province. The Muslim community which is the largest ethnic group in the East today has raised serious concern over the failure of the government to recognise this community by not printing any symbol in the flag to represent the Muslims.

Although the Muslims have not staged a war against the government of Sri Lanka for the settlement of our grievances, they are the worst affected lot in the East. The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, the 13th amendment to the constitution and the provisions of the Provincial Council Act have failed to meet the legitimate and reasonable demands of the Muslims. They have failed to protect our lives and properties. They have failed to promote socio-economic interest of our people. They have failed to recognise the different ethnic and political aspiration of the Muslims. This total disregard shown to Muslim sentiments brings to surface one truth – the government has little or no concern about the safety and security of the Muslim people in the North-East.

Muslims should consider more seriously the present trend and take immediate steps to safeguard our legitimate rights in an appropriate manner. If proper safeguards are not secured now it would amount to be the biggest betrayal of not only the present generation but also those yet to be born in the Eastern province as Muslims.

Land, security, allocation of legitimate share of state land and natural resources to predominantly Muslim local bodies and the resettlement of Muslim IDPs and Tsunami victims are the serious issues that the Eastern Province Muslims are facing today. Therefore it is very important that the majority Muslim community should take control of the Eastern Provincial Council with a Muslim Chief Minister.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/04/17/features1.html

Rise in Muslim discontent

By Col R Hariharan (retd.)

The political style of Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his use of military option in handling the Tamil insurgency have split almost all political parties which have been compelled to make hard political choices. Starting with the United Nationl Party (UNP), the latest episode in the “split-story” is the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).The smaller parties did not split but joined the ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) bandwagon enjoying the perks of office. Those who have resisted have generally put paid for their demeanour. But the hardest hit in this political maelstrom is the Muslim political leadership, notably the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC).

With the fourth edition of the Eelam War raging in the north, the sharing of power between ethnic communities is as yet an undecided issue. With President Rajapaksa representing the larger section of Southern Sinhala viewpoint, Cheapest place to order estrace cream both the Tamil and Muslim communities need strong and unified leaderships to workout an equitable solution to power sharing.

Among Muslim leaders, particularly of the SLMC, the peace process 2002 created a feeling of disappointment. The peace talks between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) excluded direct and separate representation to the Muslim community, who inhabit large areas in the northeast. They feared the devolution process would bypass Muslim interests by default. Efforts of Rauff Hakeem to muscle into the process through direct deal with Prabhakaran, the LTTE leader, resulted in empty words. The demand for equitable role for Muslms in the peace process on their own right was never taken seriously by other stakeholders including the international community.

Similar was the experience of the Muslim community which bore a major brunt of the devastation of the tsunami strike in December 2005. Their relief measures were slow in coming. And they were unhappy that their woes did not get the adequate attention they deserved. These experiences have glaringly showed the inadequacy of Muslim leadership to articulate their viewpoint.

These came on top of a similar experience in the past when India actively intervened in the period 1983 to 1987 in support of the Tamil cause that culminated in the India- Sri Lanka Agreement 1987. Then also the Muslim community felt their interests had been marginalised in the devolution stakes. At that time the Muslim polity had no independent articulation but had tried to find a place within the leadership of the two major national parties. And the elections taking place now in the east are only a resurgence of the very same form of provincial level devolution. So it will probably revive the old fears of alienation. And the Muslim population is politically more conscious than ever before. So the feeling of alienation could be stronger if the elections are not conducted fairly.

Muslim leadership and the PC elections

With the President talking of democratisation of the east, the time has come for Muslims to demand a share of the pie in the power structure. This would also set a precedence for their share in power in the national dispensations in the future as and when the war ends (!). If the Muslim leaders fail to achieve this they are likely to become non entities in the eyes of the people. This has created a crisis of sorts for the Muslim polity in participating in the forthcoming provincial council elections in the eastern province. The crisis has three major facets.

The first relates to handling President Rajapaksa’s desire to play an assertive role in the east, so that the ruling UPFA coalition (and as a corollary Sri Lanka Freedom Party A?a??a??SLFP) can gain a firm foothold cashing upon their military success against the LTTE. Rajapaksa has shown remarkable political savvy in understanding the weakness of Muslim leadership which is split and easily satisfied with political pickings. So he struck a deal with the community leaders (Jamaat) directly and that acted as a hidden persuader in working out support for the UPFA. Only Rauf Hakeem of the SLMC appears to be trying to be free of the “Rajapaksa embrace” perhaps to save his own identity as the true successor of MHM Ashraff.

Rauff Hakeem’s fears are not unjustified. The President’s new thrust lines of politics in the east involve coalition with the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), who are still armed and have a dubious record of acts of violence and intimidation against Muslims. If TMVP establishes itself in the corridors of power, life could become difficult for Muslims. Moreover, in the near term, if the President succeeds it could end the carefully nuanced Muslim leadership’s tactics of “milking” maximum benefit out of the traditional antagonism between the SLFP and its bA?A?te noire the UNP. In some distant future it holds the potential to evolve a Tamil-Sinhala political coalition at the cost of Muslim interests in the power play. This unlikely happening could throw the Muslims into political wilderness.

The second facet relates to the importance the eastern provincial council elections hold for Muslim political identity. The fact that three senior Muslim members of parliament resigned their membership to participate in the provincial council poll shows this. This comes out of what they feel as justifiable claims to have an elected body of their choice with a Muslim chief minister. This is not an unrealistic thought. By most counts (though often unreliable) Muslims have emerged as the biggest population group in the east touching around 42 per cent of the total. It is this desire to capture power that has made two prominent Muslim leaders – Hizbullah and Rauff Hakeem – choose opposite political camps. Hizbullah has chosen to partner the UPFA while Hakeem is going along with the UNP agreeing to put up candidates of SLMC to contest with UNP symbol. His choice is probably driven by Gasex online dating the fear of Rajapaksa’s domination which he perceives as Southern Sinhala assertion.

Lastly, the success of the Muslim leaders in the election is going to determine the pecking order of Muslim leadership in the national sphere. But with the TMVP domination of the Batticaloa district and the uncertain dimensions of Sinhala support in what had been traditional UNP strongholds, any split in Muslim votes could result in the diminution of an independent Muslim political articulation. So far the Muslim politicians have been able to achieve much using their clout with whosoever is in power. But the moment the relevance of their support diminishes such achievements could become uncertain.

Some of the problems faced by Sri Lanka’s Muslim population are similar to those faced by Muslims in many countries where they are a minority. These are mostly related to the inherent contradictions within the Muslim Ummah in reconciling increased assertion of Islamic identity with that of national one. Thanks to the more accommodative Sufi beliefs of most of the Sri Lankan Muslims to a large extent this problem has been managed well despite periodic confrontation with the increasing spread of fundamentalist Wahabi influence.

Despite minor sectarian skirmishes between the two, so far the community has managed to keep them within manageable proportions, thanks to the pragmatic approach of Muslim population and its leaders. If there is a perceived threat to the Muslim identity the Wahabis are likely to take advantage and use it as a lever to spread their influence. And it is good to remember that unfettered spread of Wahabi influence has led to the growth of aggressive fundamentalism of the Taliban type in many countries. Similar potential exists in arming Muslim private militias which could come into being as a response to TMVP depredation if it continues after the elections. And political disillusionment is the first step to these unhealthy developments.

The observation of International Crisis Group on the subject in their report of May 29, 2007 aptly sums up the whole situation: There is no guarantee that this commitment to non-violence will continue, particularly given the frustration noticeable among younger Muslims in the Eastern province. In some areas there are Muslim armed groups but they are small and not a major security threat. Fears of armed Islamist movements emerging seem to be exaggerated, often for political ends. Small gangs have been engaged in semi-criminal activities and intra-religious disputes, but there is a danger they will take on a role in inter-communal disputes if the conflict continues to impinge upon the security of co-religionists.

Such a development should not be dismissed casually. The weakened Muslim leadership could well be swept aside if the community loses its confidence in the present scheme of things. (In this context, it is probably too early to comment on the impact of Paistan President Musharraf’s generous offer to help Sri Lanka’s fight against terror. But when such an offer comes from a leader, who had unhesitatingly used the same terror weapon in neighbouring countries in the past through proxies guided by the ISI machinery it has dangerous portends.) This should be the last thing all communities in this troubled province need. To avoid such a development, the work is cut out for all stakeholders in and out of power to ensure a fair representation for all communities. Specifically the needs of the hour are as follows –

The administration should run a free and fair election without stuffing of ballots or intimidation to keep voters away from exercising their franchise. The UPFA leadership in particular should run a tight ship avoiding the temptation to use the TMVP muscle power to ensure victory, as the opposition is already voicing their suspicion. One way of achieving this is to have international election observers present during the election process and providing unfettered media access during the run up to the elections and voting.

Have a proactive internal security plan in place to ensure communal confrontation does not erupt even accidentally.

Muslim leadership inside the coalitions should ensure the tradeoffs are not short term. It is high time the leadership united on major issues of community and national interests rather than think on personal considerations. A major weakness is the leadership’s inability to think and act proactively. This can come through if only the work out a larger consultative coalition outside party folds to serve the commom interests of the community.

http://www.dailymirror.lk/DM_BLOG/Sections/frmNewsDetailView.aspx?ARTID=12043

Nothing but sheer madness!

Suicidal tendencies of politicians are monumental, as we have been repeating umpteen times in these columns. Lured by prospects of gaining political mileage, they resort to death-defying acts bordering on plain stupidity, which are suggestive of a kind of death wish. In so doing, they endanger not only their lives but also those of the ordinary people.

The government, we are told, is toying with the idea of having its May Day rally in Ampara by way of a show of strength in view of the upcoming Eastern PC polls. The proponents of this harebrained political project seem to think that turning Ampara into a sea of people for a few hours is the surest way to eclipse the UNP-SLMC combine and demoralise its supporters. PretenceA?a??a??or boru showA?a??a??is part and parcel of Sri Lankan politics. All political parties are notorious for transporting people to their rallies from distant places. The two main parties even dish out free food and liquorA?a??a?? mainly sachets of kasippu (rot-gut)A?a??a??to those who take part in their political circuses. For a rally, say, in Kandy, people are bussed from places as far away as Moneragala, free of charge. (Today, NGOs are emulating the SLFP and the UNP to attract crowds to their events in a bid to impress their donors.) Diclofenac over the counter nz

This certainly is not the time for such gimmicks, especially in the Eastern Province. The LTTE has manifestly lost the East and it is unlikely that the outfit will be able to stage a comeback. But, it is capable of launching small scale terror strikes in any part of the country. Its sparrow units have struck in areas like Buttala and Hambegamuwa, killing dozens of people and injuring scores of others. All it takes for the LTTE to disrupt a rally is a single suicide bomber.

It was at a May Day procession that the LTTE assassinated President Ranasinghe Premadasa, one of the most protected leaders in the world. It has attacked a number of political rallies with devastating impact. Leader of the Opposition and UNP Presidential candidate Gamini Dissanayake and several other UNP stalwarts were assassinated at one of the UNP meetings at Thotalanga in 1994. President Chandrika Kumaratunga had a narrow escape at the conclusion of her final presidential election campaign meeting in 1999. A group of Opposition heavyweights perished in a suicide attack on a UNP meeting on the same day.

This is not the time, we repeat, for mass gatherings. PoliticiansA?a??a?? wisdom of holding May Day rallies anywhere at this juncture must, therefore, be questioned. The cancellation of a May Day rally is not an act of cowardice but the most sensible thing to do at a time when the war is raging in the Wanni and the LTTE is looking for something to offset the battlefield gains of the military. Nothing hurts the Tigers more than the fact that their invincibility pretensions have taken a serious dent at the hands of the military. They will do anything to boost the morale of their combatants. They will baulk at nothing in their desperate efforts to achieve that objective.

Ironically, it was only the other day that the government media announced that the ruling party politicians had been warned against making public appearances owing to high security threats against them. At a May Day rally, they will be there in their hundreds, exposing not only themselves but also those around them to terror strikes like the recent one that killed Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle.

Why should politicians get involved in May Day rallies in the first place? The International WorkersA?a??a?? Day has nothing to do with politicians. They had better leave that to workers!

The government-TMVP alliance and the UNP-SLMC coalition have turned the Eastern PC polls into a prestige battle. However hard they may try to flex muscles, it is doubtful that their vainglorious shows of strength will sway easterners, who will have to be assured of their safety and helped rebuild their lives.

We thought the government was confident when it threw down the gauntlet for the PC polls in the East. It has banished the LTTE from that province and initiated a number of massive development projects besides having the entire state machinery at its disposal. The JVPA?a??a??s conflict couldnA?a??a??t have come at a better time for the government as regards the Eastern polls, where the anti UNP-SLMC vote will be split due to the JVP’s entry into the fray. The intraparty dispute of the JVP has left a bad taste in many a mouth and many voters who would have voted with the JVP at a future election is utterly disillusioned. The recent vehicle robberies and incidents of assault and intimidation have evoked memories of JVPA?a??a??s reign of terror (1987-89). The government also seems to think that its alliance with the TMVP which is on a mission to liberate the East from the domination of the North will help secure a sizeable chunk of the Tamil vote.

Minomycin online dating The UNP-SLMC combine has sought to pooh-pooh military victories and development projects in the East. It is eyeing a block vote, especially in the Muslim areas and banking on a possible protest vote from the Tamils opposed to the TMVP and sympathetic to the LTTE in addition to the traditional UNP vote in the East.

Thus, the challenge before the government is how to eat into the SLMC vote bank and win over the Tamils whom it has antagonised through its military campaign and alliance with the TMVP. The UNP-SLMC coalition will have to give the people an alternative to the governmentA?a??a??s development projects and tell them what it proposes to do with the present military strategy and the de-merger. For, the government has apparently sought to give the people a choice between voting with it and losing development projects as well as paving the way for the LTTEA?a??a??s return.

These are not objectives that could be achieved through a show of strength. They need a great deal of effective campaigning at the grassroots level.

Boru shows serve little purpose in this regard. They only expose political leaders and their followers to danger.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/04/15/editorial.html

East Coast: “Best Beaches”

I wish that JVP is undivided

The Indian support to implement the 13th Amendment to solve the national problem is still in the fore mainly on platforms of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which is now facing with the serious internal crisis, paving the way for a party division.

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Pix Thilak Perera
The Senior Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapaksa, who said that he does not have the A?a??E?remote deviceA?a??a?? to exercise control on the government, added that the government would seek the assistance of countryA?a??a??s closest neighbour India to resolve the national problem as mentioned in the A?a??E?Mahinda ChinthanaA?a??a??.

Rajapaksa told the A?a??E?Sunday ObserverA?a??a?? that the JVP has done blunders against India throughout its history and as a result, the outcome was badly affected the future of the country. A?a??A?I think another blunder by them, in this regard is in the makingA?a??A?, he said.

Talking about the JVPA?a??a??s future he said he personally wished that all JVPers be brought together as it is still a prominent force in Sri Lankan politics.

Following are the excerpts:

Q: President Rajapaksa had appointed three operational committees for the forthcomingEastern Provincial Council elections. Late Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle was in charge of one of these committees. How will you be able to face the election without him and who is next in line to fill the void?

A: It is a huge loss. In the Eastern Province majority speaks Tamil. Minister Jeyaraj was very fluent in all three languages and a seasoned campaigner.

He has been involved with the East for several years and more so after the liberation of the East. It is a big setback to the government. I have not been aware of as to who will be appointed the chief Government Whip but that will be decided upon by the President soon.

The President has appointed another team under the able leadership of Minister Maithripala Sirisena to handle the election campaign in the Trincomalee district.

Q: While the development projects in the East are progressing, some claim that they have been stalled with only the name boards or foundation laying ceremonies. What is your comment?

A: How can it be limited to mere name boards or foundation stones. Those who have not moved around in these areas can say anything. People are happy with the progress in the Eastern province which has been neglected for decades.

I have never seen a province like this, being neglected since the time the Britishers left. It has a sea belt of about 420 km covering a 20 percent of the sea coast of the entire country. Out of the 102 rivers in Sri Lanka, 32 of them flow into the sea from this region. One third of the main irrigation systems is located here.

The best beaches – Arugam Bay, Nilaweli and Paseekudha are pride of the province. One of the finest ports – the Trincomalee Harbour, wildlife sanctuaries including the Kumana bird sanctuary, are in the East. This province has plenty of wealth and great potential for development.

The development projects in the East are going ahead. The government has allocated money for these development projects giving top priority. The development work has commenced already but our plans are to hand over these projects to the people of the East after the elections, because people who will benefit from these projects should be partners of these projects as well.

The Centre has done its responsibility by liberating the East from the clutches of the LTTE, thanks to President Rajapaksa and the Security Forces, who had established the civil administration with a comprehensive development plan to develop the East.

These projects include livelihood, infrastructure and other sectoral development. So the Government believes that it is time for the people, who are the beneficiaries should take over. The Centre must not do interfere from then on.

Q: A massive sum of money has been allocated to these projects in the East. What is the guarantee that these monies would not be mismanaged by politicians at different levels?

A: There are lots of mechanisms adopted to monitor these activities. One is the Provincial Council. The authority to spend money on these projects will be given to them. The Councils will decide on their priorities in the province and the manner in which the allocations should be used. Then we have the local bodies which also have the right to decide what to do in their respective areas. The mechanism has already been set in place.

But that does not mean that from the day these systems are in operation there will be no corruption. You cannot bring it down to zero level. Even our religious leaders tried to stop the corruption but it still exists. The Mahinda Rajapaksa government is trying its best to stop corruption and wastage of funds, and to bring the culprits to book.

Q: Human Rights groups are criticising Sri Lanka and have categorised Sri Lanka as one with the worst human rights violations. How does the government face these allegations?

A: I think we have faced the allegations very well. At the Geneva sessions when this came up but due to our extensive explanations put forward by our group including Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe and the Ambassador Dayan Jayathilleke we got a patient and understanding hearing. It was proved that Sri Lanka was intact safeguarding human rights.

Some of the allegations were proved to be baseless and majority of the international community gave the full backing to Sri Lanka. I feel that we should take the allegations seriously. They do not know the ground realities of our country and not have not even visited us.

They do not talk about human rights violations in their own countries. As a responsible government we are ready to face any criticism and Mahinda Rajapaksa government is always bound to protect rights of all the people in this country.

Q: However much the government tries to correct the picture, the negative messages do reach the West. Why does the government fail to counteract the LTTE backed propaganda in an effective manner?

A: I do not think we have failed because we have faced them all very effectively so far. There are two things that the government thought in counteracting these allegations. One is through propaganda where the LTTE tells the international community that the outfit is militarily strong and has the support of Tamils.

The government is taking every possible step to educate the international community on the truth through the media, especially through web sites and even at international forum. The local government election was the best example that had disproved the LTTE propaganda. It showed how much confidence the Tamils have in the government and also in democracy. People want to be free from LTTE control.

Militarily the government is going ahead crushing terrorism and will continue to defeat the outfitA?a??a??s last stronghold – Kilinochchi.

The other way of counteracting LTTE propaganda is through the media. We have powerful web sites. The Defence web site is an effective tool in this regard and it is 10 times more powerful than the Tamil Net.

But at this point I want to reiterate that instead of the LTTE, the UNP has become the voice of the LTTE. I think bulk of the LTTE propaganda is not done by the LTTE but by the UNP, for the LTTE. That is our main problem and we need to counter that. I think people have to pay for the actions of these elements.

Q: The JVP has accused the government for seeking the support of India to solve our national problem. Do you think that India has hidden agendas in trying to help us?

A: That is the JVPA?a??a??s view. The government strongly believes that India can play a very vital role in solving the national problem.

In the Mahinda Chinthanaya it is very clearly mentioned that we should get the support of India and our other neighbours. Our government has close ties with India. When we talk of India, throughout its history the JVP has made blunders which had badly affected the future of this country. I think another blunder by them in this regard is coming up.

Why should they have hidden agendas? I agree that every country has its own commercial agendas. Even we have our own, where we want to capture the market. So that is upto India to decide whether they could help us or achieving their own agendas. But as a country we are more independent in making our decisions.

Q: But President Rajapaksa has recently said that he is personally not for the 13th Amendment. The SLFP had opposed it during late President J.R. JayewardeneA?a??a??s regime. Therefore people have their doubts that this new move by the present government is just to please the international community. How genuine is the government in trying to solve the national problem under the 13th Amendment?

A: The Mahinda Rajapaksa government is totally committed to solve the national problem. It was one of the main pledges President Rajapaksa made before the elections. We do not want to please the international community.

Then, if we are not genuine why should the government take all the trouble to hold local government elections and again the provincial council elections in the East. Because the government wants the people to experience their fundamental rights in power sharing.

This government is doing its best to solve the national problem by addressing the grievances of the Tamil people. We do not have any other intentions. We have very well said that by giving power to the provincial councils is not going to be end in solving the national problem. It is only the beginning.

Q: The government had pledged to end the war before the end of 2007. But it was reported that at the recent Security Council meeting with the President, the service commanders had drawn the deadline as 2009. Why it is going to be dragged on for another year?

A: I do not know about this. I am not aware of these dates and targets. What I can say is that Sri Lanka has become a united country after several decades. The national flag will fly high in all the 25 districts and people enjoy the true freedom now. They will celebrate this New Year with total freedom. The Mahinda Rajapaksa government is confident that our Security Forces will liberate the people who are suffering in the LTTE held territories shortly. The morale of the soldiers is high. They are going ahead with military offensives in their mission to capture Wanni.

I have visited Silawatura, Weli oya and Mannar fronts last week. The troops are advancing steadily. People in those areas are waiting for the military to liberate them. When the soldiers went down with Chikungunya, people treated them. This shows they are in need of freedom and sick of LTTE terrorism.

Q: Once you had invited the LTTE for peace talks. How feasible is this invitation today, while the military is successfully going ahead ?

A: Military operations and peace talks are two different issues. In the Mahinda Chinthana the government had clearly mentioned our intention to solve the national problem through a negotiated settlement.

Still we are trying our best to maintain that position. However, as I said earlier the doors are open for the LTTE to resume peace talks. The problem here is the genuiness of the LTTE in peace talks.

Q:The JVP which has claimed to be the third force in the country has been divided into two segments. How do you see its future ?

A: I do not know whether it is divided or not. I do not want to comment on this issue.

But I personally wish the JVP should not be divided into fragments because it is considered to be a very prominent force in this country.

Q: Your brother, Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa is keen on a ban on the LTTE immediately. What is your stance as the senior Advisor to the President ?

A: Retin-a cost without insurance I think he has made this remark considering the defence and legal aspects. But, we have to think about other aspects before agreeing to a ban. So I think the President and the government will decide to ban the LTTE at the right time. I think the LTTE too has a role to play not to force the President to impose the ban. If the LTTE continues with their violent activities the government may naturally go for a ban, in the future. It is upto the LTTE.

Q: Is there any truth in that, some UNPers will be joining the government soon?

A: I normally do not listen to these types of talks but every day someone or other is joining us. Some had the habit of going and some coming in. Yes. We have invited some UNPers but I do not know whether they will join us or not. I am not sure as yet. It is still at negotiation stage. Doors of the UPFA government are open to everyone who likes to join the government. It is politics.

Q: You had several rounds of discussions with the SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem. What went wrong?

A: Nothing went wrong. But from the beginning we knew that Ranil Wickremesinghe and Hakeem will get together at the end. But I tried to invite the SLMC as a party and therefore met its leader. Unfortunately Hakeem joined the UNP but many SLMC members are now with the government. We do not have to worry.

Q: The TMVP is still accused of harassing and intimidating senior Tamil politicians. What are the measures taken by the government to control their activities?

A: I do not know any such Tamil political party leader who was harassed by the TMVP because all the Tamil leaders are now with the TMVP.

Those who are not with the TMVP are either in Colombo or abroad. Therefore how can the TMVP harass them?

Q: The main reason for carrying arms according to the TMVP is that they need security.

So is the government ready to give them maximum security and thereby disarm them?

A: Yes, we are ready only if they ask for more security. The government will not only provide security for the TMVP but also for other political parties who are under threat. The government is ready to provide security for UNPers if they ask for security. The other thing, other than the security forces, I have never seen a TMVP cadre carrying arms.

Q: Is that true that instead of disarming the Pillaiyan group they are allowed to build up their military camps in the East now ?

A: The important thing I want to emphasise here is that no one should call them as Pillaiyan group, because it is a recognised political party now. It is now the TMVP not the Pillaiyan group.

We do not call Bumiputhra party as Harishchandra group. It is a political party which has recorded a victory.

After liberating the East the government did not allow anybody to establish camps but there were some camps in the East before liberation. They are allowed to continue to function because of their safety.

They are limited to those areas. I have never seen them although I have gone to the East several times. But I have information about these camps.

Q: If they are a recognised political party, can the government allow them to have military camps ?

A: The government does not allow anyone to run military camps in the East. I agree the TMVP has their former camps and who is going to provide them security.

During the CFA lots of cadres laid down their arms as to what had happened. They were massacred. So who is going to give the TMVP this guarantee that same unfortunate occurrence would not happen to TMVP cadres.

Q: Will this huge Cabinet be reduced to 35 soon?

A: No, I do not know. But why should we reduce the Cabinet while the Ministers are doing a good job.

Q: Some people have fixed the tag A?a??E?remote controlA?a??a?? of Mahinda Rajapaksa government to Mr. Basil Rajapaksa. Is that true ?

Cheap acivir 800 A: If I can control the government as simply as they think why should we have a big Cabinet. I am not controlling the government but I only advise the President in certain areas.


Who is Basil Rajapaksa …

He still recalls nostalgic memories of his childhood, where as a A?a??E?gangA?a??a?? of six boysA?a??a?? and three girls, they spent their holiday mischievously in their ancestral home at Medamulana, Weeraketiya, the residence of State Councillor and Deputy Speaker Don Alwin Rajapaksa.

Their father, one of the freedom fighters, did not want his A?a??E?small army of little boysA?a??a?? to be politicianA?a??a??s sons. Rajapaksa brought up his children just as ordinary children who have tough skins to face any challenge in the future.

The Rajapaksa brothers lost their father when they were young; the fifth boy was studying for his Ordinary Level Examination at Ananda College, Colombo at that time. A?a??A? We had a very happy and enjoyable childhood. We were fortunate to have very loving parentsA?a??A?, reminisced Parliamentarian Basil Rohana Rajapaksa.

Hardly getting a chance to spend a day with the whole gang, the six boys were never seen at home together.

When one of them was at home, the others were engaged in some activity or other somewhere. A?a??A?It was very rare for all of us, especially the boys to be seen at home together in a given day. Someone is out all the time A?a??A?, Basil, who is one of the busiest Parliamentarians today, said.

A?a??A?Be down to earthA?a??A?, that was the finest lesson that the young Rajapaksas learnt from their father who always tried to find solace in simplicity.

He shared his time with ordinary farmers in a kamatha (paddy field) or at one of their houses.

A?a??A?He visited every house in our village and used to have tea or coffee with them. He was a simple and ordinary man. Our father wanted us to be normal children not as children of a politicianA?a??A?, he said.

Yet to complete his learning from his big brother – the President of this country – Basil said that he has a lot to learn from A?a??E?lokku aiyaA?a??a??.

Calling his A?a??E?aiyaA?a??a??, a man of courage and a tolerance, Basil said the biggest lesson that he learnt from President Mahinda Rajapaksa is his tolerance. A?a??A?He was harassed by lots of people, especially the SLFP leadership. Though he was the youngest MP of the party then he became the Assistant Secretary of the party 10 years after me, in 1989A?a??A?, he said.

Among the six boys – Chamal, Mahinda, Chandra, Gotabhaya, Basil and Dudley – guess who the naughtiest was?

According to the Senior Presidential Advisor, the mischievous and naughtiest was the young man Mahinda.

With no specific aim in life to become the Prime Minister or the President of this country, he said that he had to fulfil all his goals with his childrenA?a??a??s education. The only wish now on his cards, as he said, is to be his big brotherA?a??a??s advisor and help him to develop this country and to bring peace.

The most unforgettable incident in his life …guess ! Being sworn in as an MP amidts pandemonium in the Parliament, delivering the maiden speech as an MP or being appointed as the Presidential Advisor to his brother. None of these.

A?a??A?It was the day I met my fiancee, Pushpa. I will never forget that dayA?a??A?, recalled this tough looking MP.

The dream wedding was cancelled with the death of George Rajapaksa and later the couple had to go to the RegistrarA?a??a??s office with late Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle as one of the attesting witnesses at the betrothal.

Some of the Rajapaksa brothers took to the family tradition of wearing the earthy-brown shawl – kurahan satakaya- representing kurakkan cultivation in their village.

Basil Rajapaksa strongly wants to be A?a??E?BASIL RAJAPAKSAA?a??a??, the farmer in his own home garden when he is relieved of all his official duties.

Basil r

source:
http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2008/04/13/pol001.asp

Eastern province: Impact of altered demographics

Following every terrorist act in Sri Lanka there arises a refrain that the countryA?a??a??s conflict cannot be resolved militarily, followed by the proposition that since the conflict is essentially political in nature, the focus should be on finding an acceptable political arrangement instead of the military approach currently pursued. However, it must be conceded that there is a nexus between political goals and the choice of means and tactics, which in Sri LankaA?a??a??s case has been determined by the LTTE to be a separate state won through an armed conflict.

The leaders of the civil rights movement in the US realizing this nexus, consciously and deliberately decided on non-violence as the means to achieve their goals. By contrast, the Sri Lankan Tamil community resolved with conscious deliberation to resort to an armed conflict to achieve their political goal of a separate state. Under the circumstances, the choice for the Sri Lankan state has been to either to accept the creation of a separate state or to resist such a creation by neutralizing the means to create it. Since the choice undoubtedly has to be for the latter course, there is no option but meet the military threat militarily. Furthermore, as long as both positions remain unchanged, the armed conflict would continue. For there to be peace, therefore, either the Sri Lankan state has to accept the idea of a separate state, or the LTTE has to abandon its goal and dismantle the means as well.

Since it is the LTTE that has set the goal and adopted the means, the only option available to the Sri Lankan state is to address the military capabilities of the LTTE and weaken it to a point where the LTTE realizes that a separate state through armed conflict is not a realistic proposition. It was the reaching of such a point in the dynamics of the Northern Ireland conflict that forced the IRA leadership to abandon violence and seek a negotiated solution. A similar realization dawned on the Ache rebels when the tsunami of 2004 destroyed their military capabilities.

A similar dynamic has to occur in Sri Lanka for the LTTE to realize that the original goal is an unrealistic proposition. It would be only at such a point that the LTTE would be prepared to consider alternatives to its original proposition. The weaker the LTTE, the more significant would be the shift from their original position. Therefore, the military capabilities of the LTTE have a direct bearing on the nature and scope of the political arrangement that the LTTE would accept and which the rest of the country would tolerate.

This military/political dynamic was reached in the Eastern Province. It was the neutralization of the military capabilities of the LTTE in the Eastern Province that has paved the way for Peoples of the Eastern Province to exercise their civil and political rights. This and other developments taking place in the Eastern Province could very well undermine the whole concept of a separate state; a notion that is clearly NOT viable without the Eastern Province.

GROUND REALITIES

An imperceptible but pertinent fact that is emerging is the demographic changes in the Eastern Province. These changes have gone unnoticed since the Census of 1981. The 2007 enumeration conducted by the Census and Statistics Department reveal that the Muslims are not only a majority in the province but also that they are the majority in the Districts of Trincomalee and Ampara. This trend could lead to the Eastern Province becoming the territorial base of political power for the Muslims.

According to the data in the Preliminary Report of 2007 the distribution within the province is: Muslims 40%, Tamils 38% and the Sinhalese 22%. According to the Report the distribution by district is: Trincomalee District: 45.4% Muslim, 28.6% Sri Lankan Tamils, 25.4% Sinhalese; Batticaloa District: 25% Muslim, 74% Sri Lankan Tamil, 0.5% Sinhalese; and Ampara District: 44% Muslim, 18.3% Sri Lankan Tamil, 37.5% Sinhalese. These ground realities could have a profound effect on the short and long term trajectories of power sharing arrangements in Sri Lanka.

The immediate impact of this statistical data is that the Muslims are emerging as the most populous ethnic group in the Eastern Province, with the Sri Lankan Tamils remaining as the most populous ethnic group in the Northern Province. Even though each province may evolve as a political base of each respective group, the fact remains that the majorities of both communities reside outside these political bases. Under the circumstances, political arrangements based on territorial distribution makes no sense.

Perhaps, it is the awareness of these developments that prompted the Muslim leadership to take the forthcoming Provincial Council elections seriously to the extent that some of them have given up their seats in Parliament in order to contest the election. If not at the forthcoming election, there is a strong possibility that future elections may return Muslim majorities with Muslim Chief Ministers in the Eastern Provincial Council.

There is therefore, a need to rethink the whole premise of regional devolution of political power. The alterations to the demographics in the Eastern Province demonstrate the fluidity of population growths and distributions. Therefore, formulating political arrangements based on present ethnic or other concentrations could with time be not only meaningless but also inappropriate. Changes in power bases could lead to new ethnic tensions; a sure formula for instability.

IMPACT OF ALTERED DEMOGRAPHICS ON THE NATIONAL QUESTION

If and when the Eastern Province becomes a non-Tamil political base, the foundation of a separate state of Tamil Eelam would be undermined because the very heart of this concept was underpinned by the resources and potential of the Eastern Province. Furthermore, the ethnic mix of the Eastern Province together with the concentration of Sri Lankan Tamils in the Northern Province was intended to mirror the scene in the rest of the country with the concentration of Sinhalese in the South, thus creating the “image” that the country was divided between the Sinhalese and Tamils.

With the real possibility of losing the Eastern Province politically to another ethnic group, the political power base of the Tamils would be confined to the Northern Province which by all accounts would be mono-ethnic. A separate state in such a context would have little or no attraction. Therefore, with these facts in view, there is an urgent need to reconsider the relevance of former political arrangements contemplated in the light of existential realities.

Buy avapro blood pressure medicine One political arrangement that would be acceptable to the overwhelming majority in the light of this background would be to abandon the whole concept of ethno-territorially based power sharing and seriously explore central power sharing. This would give all communities the opportunity to be represented in the governing processes instead of regionally based power sharing; a concept that Sri Lanka has been forced to consider based on a demographic premise that has no relevance today. It is vital that the APRC becomes aware of these emerging transformations if its deliberations are to have any meaning.

CONCLUSION

It is the LTTE that has set the goal of a separate state and it is the LTTE that has adopted violent means to realize it militarily. Since the Sri Lankan nation finds both goal and means set by the LTTE unacceptable, Governments representing the Sri Lankan nation have no option but to respond to LTTE efforts militarily. Not to do so would leave the military capabilities developed by the LTTE intact and the issue would remain open ended without finality and closure. For the military operations to cease, either the LTTE has to dismantle its military capabilities voluntarily, or the Government has to neutralize it militarily.

A military approach is being pursued by the LTTE on the premise that the conditions that existed at the commencement of their endeavour to create a separate state, still exist. The notion that the Northern and Eastern Provinces could form a political unit exists among the non-LTTE Sri Lankan Tamils as well. These positions long held have no relevance in the context of two facts relating to the Eastern Province. The first being the reestablishment of the writ of the state and the second, being the transformed demographics. Both facts make it necessary for political goals once conceived to be revisited.

The impact of the transformed demographics in the Eastern Province is that this province could emerge as a political base for the Muslims; a fact that may emerge even as early as the forthcoming Provincial Council election. If the Eastern Province becomes a Muslim political base and the Northern Province becomes a Tamil political base with the rest of the 7 provinces becoming a Sinhala political base, the political boundaries would become coterminous with ethnic concentrations. Devolving power under such conditions is a sure recipe for instability as has happened with the former Yugoslavia, and more recently with Kosovo.

These developments would undermine the very foundation of a once conceived separate state consisting of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Despite the change in the scope of the original project, for the armed conflict to continue in order to create the Northern Province as a political base for Sri Lankan Tamils is senseless because this is already an accepted fact. Despite this reality, if the LTTE continues the conflict, it can only mean that its intention is to create a separate state consisting of the Northern Province all by itself.

Cheap atorlip While the conflict in Northern Ireland was resolved due to the IRAA?a??a??s self realization that violence was not taking them any closer to their political goal, and the conflict in Ache, Indonesia, was resolved because of the effect of the tsunami on the Free Aceh Movement/GAMA?a??a??s military capabilities, the transformation in the military/demographic dynamic in the Eastern Province will force the LTTE/Sri Lankan Tamils to consider alternatives hitherto not considered. Since these changing circumstances are also underscored by the security implications of devolving power to ethnically based territorial units, Sri Lanka can find resolution to its conflict only if its communities together explore arrangements where political power is shared by all at the Center.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/04/12/features1.html

Eastern PC election: A race between Muslim parties

Cheap artane castle MSM AyubThe former Lanka Guardian Editor and a respected journalist, late Mervin de Silva while testifying before the Mosad Commission appointed by the former President Ranasinghe Premadasa in early nineties said that Sri Lankan leaders had pushed a politically passive community into active politics by inviting Israelis to train the troops.

He was referring to the Muslim politics that by then had started influencing the national politics following the advent of Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) into the mainstream politics. Before that there was no Muslim politics as such except for the mostly Colombo based and provincial elite Muslims contesting at elections under the two main parties, namely the United National Party(UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

By now Muslim politics has become so vital a component of national politics that the main Muslim political party, SLMC is usually called the A?a??A?king makerA?a??A? as in the case of Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC). With the announcement of the election for the newly created Eastern Provincial Council which was de-merged from the Northern Provincial Council by a Supreme Court ruling in October 2006 on a petition filed by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the significance of Muslim politics has ascended to a peak

This can be attributed mainly to the composition of the province which consists 33 percent of Muslims and the possibility of Muslims being the decisive factor in electing the rulers of the Province at the May 10 election, in the light of Muslim votes are apparently going to be less divided than the other two communities would be.

There are so many parties with Sinhalese leadership and Sinhalese nationalism in the fray and the two main parties and the JVP contesting on three fronts have the capacity to draw Sinhalese votes in bulk. Tamil votes would be drawn mainly by the Pillaian group and a portion of votes may be bagged by the UNP while a considerable number may be influenced by the LTTE either by way of persuading the people to abstain or winning them through its political party, PeopleA?a??a??s Front of Liberation Tigers (PFLT) which was registered with the Commissioner of Elections in 1989 during peace talks.

Although Muslim votes too would definitely be divided, Ashraff has so peculiarly inspired the majority of Eastern Muslims that they do not turn their backs to the SLMC even the high ranking leaders of the party would do so. This was why Rauff Hakeem could boast at the conclusion of the Batticaloa district Local Government election that SLMC has won 82 percent of the Muslim votes cast.

Another reason for the Muslim factor to be more in the limelight than the Pillaian group in this election, at least for the moment is that the Pillaian- United PeopleA?a??a??s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) marriage was long solemnized and it was a closed issue by the time of the announcement of Eastern Provincial Council election.

The UNP, as the opposition neither had any leverage nor did at least attempt to lure the group, while the SLMC, seemingly undecided kept the whole world in suspense as if open for auction. Knowing very well the advantage of being the talking point SLMC leaders readily and positively responded when Government leaders invited for talks in spite of their talks with the UNP had gone a long way ahead.

When Muslim ministers convened all Muslim political parties for a meeting claiming they want to form a Muslim alliance for the Provincial Council election in order to have a Muslim as the Chief Minister, the SLMC consented without questioning as to why the ministers are going to deprive the Government of Muslim votes in this crucial election and also as to why the Government did not utter a word against the Muslim ministers attempting to divest it of some of the precious votes.

As a seasoned politician Hakeem knew of the advantage of being in the limelight through this move too, although he did not want such an alliance which cannot win given the combined strength of the UPFA and TMVP. However, Hassan Ali, SLMC General Secretary had confided with a Daily Mirror journalist that the Ministers are up to drag the talks until the nomination day, so that the SLMC would not be able to finalize any strategy with the UNP against the Government.

Former Deputy Minister MLAM HisbullahA?a??a??s cross over to the ruling party from the SLMC and the more stunning resignation of SLMC stalwarts including its leader Hakeem to contest at the less important Provincial Council apparently turned the race into one between the Muslim ministers and the SLMC

Communal attacks against the SLMC or any other minority party by leaders of majority community might help them to secure more support from the respective minority community. Already there has been one such attack that the SLMC is going to be a threat to Sinhalese and Tamils in the East, which if it continues will arouse Muslim sentiments in favour of SLMC. These kinds of communal provocations would identify Muslim feelings with the SLMC which in turn will convert them into votes and ultimately Hakeem will be benefited in his effort to ascending to the chief administrator of the province.

History has proven this point very vividly in the central hills long ago. The CWC and its former leader late Saumiyamoorthi Thondaman was repeatedly attacked for winning over A?a??A?everythingA?a??A? for estate Tamils and attempting to carve out a separate state called A?a??A?MalayanaduA?a??A? at the expense of Sinhalese. The grand old man once retorted to this writer that there is no need for anyone to carve out a Malainadu afresh, for it exists from the day God created the world. Malainadu in Tamil means hill country.

Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman was awarded with these kinds of A?a??A?creditsA?a??A? such as winning over A?a??A?everythingA?a??A? for the estate Tamils despite the fact that the estate sector has won the A?a??A?medalsA?a??A? through social indicators for lowest education, highest malnutrition, highest drunkenness, highest child mortality etcetera. However when he was attacked from outside the estate community emotionally set to defend him and he continued to be the king of the hills until his death.

Late Ashraff also had such benefits of vilification by outsiders.

Haste shown by the Government in slashing HakeemA?a??a??s security in a way implies the importance and the seriousness of SLMC for the Government. However, the attempt by the state to prune HakeemA?a??a??s security soon after he along with SLMC General Secretary Hassan Ali and Politburo member Basheer Segudawood resigned from the parliament will sometimes be another benefit for the SLMC, unless it leads to some disaster. This sometimes might help Hakeem to continually to be in the spotlight and thereby draw Muslim sympathy towards him.

Despite the fact that the Muslim factor has become a vital ingredient in the making of national politics and perhaps the most reckoned with element by all major parties at this Provincial Council election, it is seen by many as a fragmented force.

Because within two decades since mid-eighties the 1.5 million strong Muslim community has produced a series of political parties ironically agaist the wishes of the founder of the first Muslim party, the SLMC.

The founder of the SLMC late MHM Ashraff called on the Muslim community at the day of inauguration of the party on November 26, 1986 at the A?a??A?Pasha VillaA?a??A? in Maradana, Colombo not to create a second Muslim party in an event where the SLMC leadership fails to address the problems of the Muslim community, instead he suggested to throw the incumbent leadership away and find dynamic new leaders capable of facing the challenges of the day.

But to the utmost dismay of many in the Muslim community the second Muslim party emerged in three months in the name of Muslim United Liberation Front (MULF) led by MIM Mohideen who later joined the SLMC when Ashraff was in Chandrika KumaratungaA?a??a??s cabinet. With the death of Ashraff in an air crash over Mawanella in 2000 a plethora of Muslim parties have sprung in rival to the SLMC.

The National Unity Alliance (NUA) which Ashraff formed with the intention of gradually switching to national politics from communal politics, departed first from the SLMC with AshraffA?a??a??s widow Ferial heading it, and leaving the SLMC solely to the leadership of Rauff Hakeem, AshraffA?a??a??s confidant.

This occurred when President Chandrika Kumaratunga sacked Hakeem from the ministerial portfolio on June 21, 2001 for reasons known only to her, and Hakeem left the Government taking the sacking as a despiser on the party. However some SLMC leaders including Ferial Ashraff remained in the Government as ministers, deputy ministers and officials of various government and semi- government institutions and converged under NUA as a distinct party.

The Ranil Wikremesinghe regime between December 2001 and February 2004 saw another few splits in Muslim parties including in the SLMC. The then Deputy Minister MLM Athaullah broke away and formed the National Congress (NC) while businessman Naseer Ahmed created the Democratic United Alliance (DUA) distancing himself from the SLMC.

Then it was the turn of NM Shaheed PC to come up with his own party, All Ceylon Muslim Congress (ACMC), resigning from the Muslim Congress. Three SLMC parliamentarians, Rishad Badiuddeen, Najeeb A Majeed and Amir Ali who wanted to join the Chandrika Kumaratunga government parted with the Muslim Congress in October, 2004, ensuing which the infamous Kumari Cooray episode was staged. They also joined the ACMC.

Thus controversies over leadership, national list parliamentary seats, cabinet minister posts etcetera led to springing of a bunch of splinters and offshoots from the stem of SLMC.

By now there are around a dozen Muslim political parties in the country each claiming that it is the real heir to A?a??A?ThalaivarA?a??A? Ashraff and was trained in AshraffA?a??a??s school (pasarai). Each profess that it is the genuine guardian of the community A journalist from the East once attributed this mushrooming of Muslim parties to A?a??A?ambitions that infused by the A?a??A?ThalaivarA?a??A? into the ordinary peopleA?a??A? who before the advent of the SLMC could not even imagine to be elected at least to a village council that existed few decades ago.

Today most Muslim leaders who profess to be god fearing are in a position to drag The Almighty Allah, Holy Prophet and Holy QurA?a??a??an or any other sacred concept in Islam into their politics, even reciting qurA?a??a??anic verses on public platforms, purely to exploit the piety of the ordinary voters and grab money making positions.

Almost all of them agree on the problems of Eastern Muslims, especially on the land problem in the Pottuvil electorate and threats by the armed Tamil groups in Batticaloa and Trincomalee, but the question whether they can agree on solutions to those problems, given the divisions among them, in the face of the election is something only time will answer.

source:
House for sale in hazelwood artane http://www.dailymirror.lk/DM_BLOG/Sections/frmNewsDetailView.aspx?ARTID=11534

Top priority to develop East – Susantha

by Lakshmi de Silva
The development of the Eastern Province under the special effort made by the government to rehabilitate the infrastructure facilities involving irrigation, health and education is receiving top priority with the Ministry of Nation Building playing a vital role, Minister of Nation Building Susantha Punchinilame said yesterday.

The Divisional Secretariat in Thirukkovil in the Eastern Province had started working after a lapse of more than 20 years and 206 million rupees was allocated by the government for the 22 Grama Niladhari Divisions to implement a number of development projects in the area, Punchinilame said. The minister, who was on tour of the area when speaking to The Island, said that it was the first time that a minister was visiting the DS offices in Kandikuduchchiaru, Lahugala Order clozaril dosage , Panama and Aliadivembu after a couple of decades to get first hand knowledge of the development programmes implemented there.

Tenormin 25 mg price in pakistan People of the area were very keen to develop education and health care facilities that were neglected all these years and all projects are to be implemented. 20 percent of manpower was voluntarily contributed.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/04/05/news3.html

Odds and Ends

Brought down a peg

Last week’s reference in this column to the man for all seasons, Member of European Parliament and and self appointed A?a??A?Ambassador at large for Sri Lanka,A?a??A? Nirj Deva or Niranjan Deva Adithya has had its sequel.

As we revealed last week, Deva together with Erika Mann, another MP of the European Parliament, are co-sponsors of a conference on A?a??A?Peace and Reconciliation in South Asia – challenges and opportunitiesA?a??A? in the Norwegian capital of Oslo on April 10 and 11. Sri Lanka is to figure at this conference. The conference website (http://www.sap2008.org How much naltrexone for weight loss ) described Deva as A?a??A?Ambassador at Large for Sri Lanka.A?a??A? As a Foreign Ministry spokesman told us, there is no such official designation and we said so last week.

Soon after the report appeared, the reference to Deva as A?a??A?Ambassador at Large for Sri LankaA?a??A? has been erased from the conference web site. After all, that is acknowledgement, that the busybody that is Deva, had given himself the title and chosen to withdraw it himself after an FO spokesman commented on it.

Now there is more on the conference itself. India has refused to send any Minister from the Central Government in New Delhi to take part in this conference.

Nor will its Ambassador in Norway take part. The reason – India does not wish one of her internal problems to be discussed at a non- governmental forum. Nepal and Burma, whose issues are also being discussed, will not be represented by their Governments either.

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However, the Government of Sri Lanka is the only one that IS taking part officially. Youth Empowerment and Socio Economic Development, Minister Arumugam Thondaman, M.F. Farook, his Private Secretary, M.K.D.G. Meegoda, Advisor, Ministry of Youth Empowerment, M.N. Jainudeen, Co-ordinating Secretary have already left for London en route to Oslo. Also due to take part is Rajiva Wijesinha, Secretary General of the SCOPP.

It is not clear whether tickets for the participation for some from the Sri Lankan side are being bought by the Government or by Deva and his EU Parliament colleague and their organisation.

Foreign Secretary Palitha Kohonna was this week appointed Sri Lanka’s new Foreign Minister. The appointment was made by the prestigious US broadcast station – VoA – the Voice of America. In one of its interviews, the following reference was made:
A?a??A?Palitha Kohona is Sri Lanka’s foreign affairs minister. He says the government is sincere in trying to locate those who have disappeared.A?a??A?

Readers can check it out on the following website of VoA; http://www.voanews.com/english/2008-04-02-voa14.cfm. What made the VoA make this blunder? After all, there does not appear to be any other glaring errors in the published news report.

Interestingly, although the news item is dated 2nd April, the Secretary of the Foreign Ministry reportedly returned to the island only on 3rd April after being away on his second leave of absence taken this year, after the previous instance taken just two months earlier.

For the record, the actual Foreign Minister of the country, Rohitha Bogollagama, is on an official visit overseas in the UK since 31st March and the actual Deputy Foreign Minister Hussein A. Bhaila, has been designated as the Acting Foreign Minister. But what a shame, with the Foreign Ministry Publicity Division working over-time in dishing out daily pictures of Minister Bogollagama with various world figures, the message hasnA?a??a??t reached VoA yet that HE is the Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka, and not his secretary.

No prizes for guessing which Sri Lankan Cabinet Minister goes to the United States of America around this time each year. All US citizens must file their income tax returns by April 15. No prizes also for guessing whether he went there on his own private funds or on Sri Lanka taxpayersA?a??a?? funds.

source:
http://www.sundaytimes.lk/080406/News/news007.html

Ferial Ashroff Interview

“Minorities in this country have a feeling that there has been discriminationA?a??A?”– Ferial Ashroff
Interviewed by Manjari Peiris Cost of fluoxetine without insurance

Q. Can you explain the political style of your party?

A. The name of my party, by itself speaks a lot. It is called the National Unity Alliance, because this was a party that came into being during my late husbandA?a??a??s time when the need of the hour was the unity of the people of Sri Lanka. We have been separated because of the war. Even if we go by the constitution of Sri Lanka, there was a time when we were considered Ceylonese. But that is all in fragments now. There was a need for uniting the people of Sri Lanka. That was the whole idea in the formation of the National Unity Alliance. We are still a party in our infancy. We are not a regional party, but a party wanting to propagate unity in Sri Lanka. We are not asking people to give up their identities. We want them to maintain their identities, but also try to develop a Sri Lankan identity.

Q. Were you engaged in politics when Mr. Ashroff was living?

A. I have always been a student of politics and I have always worked with my husband, behind the scenes. I have not been campaigning with him or addressing meetings or meeting people etc. But of course from his office and his home, I have been very much involved in politics. In fact I have been involved in politics long before I became Mrs. Ashroff, even as a student.

Q. What does your party do to improve the lot of the Muslim people?

A. My party is basically for national unity. I, as a Member of Parliament representing the Ampara district, try to help people from all communities in every way possible whenever there is a need. But of course as we all know, minorities in this country have a feeling that there has been discrimination and therefore there is something called a A?a??E?minority interestA?a??a??. If you take the district that I represent, Ampara, it was a district that had been neglected where development was concerned. We have a large number of Sinhalese living in the area, nearly 40%. Still for all, it was a neglected district. The only development that had taken place in that district was during my late husbandA?a??a??s time. He had seen to it that the area at least started developing, but we still have a lot of work to do, especially in the Sinhala areas. The Divisional Secretariat areas of Dehiattakandiya, Padiyathalawa, Maha Oya, Damana and Lahugala are far from developed. It is not a question of me working only for the Muslim areas. I am very much involved in the development of my district where all the three communities live almost in equal proportions. I work with all the people.

Q. What does your ministry do?

A. We are very happy with the kind of work that we do through this Ministry. We work with extremely poor people, who have given hope of ever finding a permanent roof over their heads. They are people who donA?a??a??t have permanent home to call their own. They are living in shacks. They live in very pathetic conditions all over the country. So our Ministry gets involved in helping the people to help themselves. We do not have contractors or private organizations building houses. We get the community involved and mobilize them and get the community to help themselves. We get them the technical know-how and provide the necessary material for them to build the houses and we are also making use of material available in those areas. We are able to annually build about 1000 houses which is a very small figure when you compare the needs in Sri Lanka. But we manage to build about 10,000 houses in terms of building new homes and also in renovating and rehabilitating existing homes. We do both. We are very happy about what we have done. We can be very proud of the fact that we have been able to divert all the funds right down to the grassroots level.

Q. Do you think that the Muslim community also needs a separate state?

Elimite cream over the counter A. I donA?a??a??t believe in any separate state for anybody in Sri Lanka. The whole idea of national unity goes for a six if I believe so. As Sri Lankans, we should make Sri Lanka a place for all to live peacefully with each other. We are all first class citizens of Sri Lanka. This is what we are trying to achieve A?a??a?? not to divide this little country.

Q. Do you think that the prosecution of the war has been effective?

A. We find that the government has been able to reduce the strength of the LTTE to a certain degree. Whenever the governments of Sri Lanka tried to negotiate with the LTTE, it always ended up in failure. The LTTE has also shown no interest in wanting to solve this problem through negotiations. So we are going ahead with the war, But I also believe that while going ahead with the war, that we should have a politically negotiated settlement. That we believe in. We donA?a??a??t believe that you can solve the problem merely by war.

Q. What kind of a solution do you envisage for the ethnic problem?

A. We believe in a negotiated political settlement. People in this country have a lot of issues. The minorities feel that their problems have never been dealt with, especially in terms of land, language, etc. We believe that it has to be a negotiated settlement and we should be able to listen to the other personA?a??a??s point of view. That is what is required in Sri Lanka. It is a basic question of understanding the other personA?a??a??s problems and aspirations.

Q. What do you have to say about the high cost of living?

A. This is definitely a huge problem. We canA?a??a??t deny the fact that life is becoming more and more difficult. It is so even for me personally, especially with the price of electricity and so on. I assume that the government is also taking it into account and trying to sort it out and manage it in a better manner. But when you read the news overseas also, there is talk of the escalation of prices. Cost of living is high all over the world. The price of fuel and most commodities have increased. We have to find ways and means of solving the problem. The government is very much interested in new agricultural methods. We have not had a long term plan for our country.

Q. Do you expect to be elected to Parliament at the next general election?

A. ThatA?a??a??s for the people to decide and I would be very happy with the decision of the people. If they think I am worthy enough to be in parliament, then they will elect me.

Q. Do you think that the President will be able to solve the ethnic problem?

A. He should be able to; there is no question about it. He is making all attempts – even trying to develop the country. Also he wants to tell the people of the Eastern Province that he is prepared to treat all the people equally. He is definitely going forward and we are confident that the President will be able to solve this issue.

source:
http://www.island.lk/2008/04/07/features4.html

Elephants do topple trees for fodder

Cartoon

The UNP-SLMC marriage of political convenience is at the inconvenience of the rank and file, with the best-man a A?a??E?no showA?a??a?? at the wedding

Political horse deals was the order of the day, during the early part of last week, since the deadline for nominations for the Eastern polls, was Thursday.

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There were negotiations at every nook and corner in Colombo, as the two main parties solicited the support of peripheral political entities and smaller parties to strengthen their presence in the East.

The ruling UPFA, however, failed to obtain the support of the major Muslim political entity in the East, the SLMC, but manoeuvred a split within the ranks of the party, when they clinched a deal with M.L.M. Hisbullah, capable of giving the SLMC a tough time in the East.

Hisbullah stands firm

Hisbullah, as a member of the SLMC high command, was a strong advocate of UPFA policies, within the SLMC, and tilting towards the government, when it came to the Eastern polls. Though he had several rounds of talks with UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, through the good offices of his close friend Mangala Samaraweera, Hisbullah was weighing the pros and cons of the emerging situation in the East and cast his lot with the government and contest as a UPFA candidate.

Hakeem refuses to climb down from the A?a??E?TreeA?a??a??

It is a fact that Hisbullah was unstinting in his efforts to have the SLMC contest with the government. But, SLMC Leader Hakeem opposed this move steadfastly, because, in his view, the SLMC had no political future within the government. More than anything else, it was HakeemA?a??a??s contention that he and the whole SLMC would be the laughing stock of the general public, if he contested with the government at the Provincial level, having withdrawn his support at the third reading of the Budget. This is in spite of him being made aware of a precedence to this kind of arrangement. ACMC (All Ceylon Muslim Congress) Leader Saheed reminded Hakeem of a similar arrangement by the SLMC at the North Western Provincial Council, while opposing at the centre or in Parliament. In fact, he was told that, if all the Muslim political parties support the government, they would be at a greater advantage and could return a Muslim Chief Minister for the East. He was also told that Senior Advisor to the President, Basil Rajapaksa, had given an assurance to that effect. But all these were of no avail to Hakeem, who appeared to have struck a deal with the UNP, from the very beginning.

At a discussion held by all the Muslim political parties at the Parliamentary complex, Hakeem was adamant that he would not compromise his symbol, the A?a??E?TreeA?a??a??.

Hakeem jumps off the A?a??E?TreeA?a??a??

But, what happened on Tuesday was entirely different from what he professed at the Muslim party conference to explore possibilities of working together as one entity at the election. Hakeem, not only sacrificed his symbol, but decided in favour of the UNP. In other words, UNP Leader Ranil WickremesingheA?a??a??s political acumen paid dividends, bringing the UNP to the forefront at the Eastern polls, when Hakeem agreed to concede to the UNPA?a??a??s dictates.

Convincing Hakeem is not an easy task under normal circumstances. He always gets maximum out of the major political parties. One occasion he failed in this endeavour was when he clinched a deal with the UPFA government, after President Rajapaksa emerged victorious at the 2005 Presidential election. Hakeem, though not keen on joining hands with the UPFA, was compelled to do so, in a bid to save his party from being splintered into smaller factions, on account of inducements handed out to his members by the government, to join them.

Hakeem, no doubt, a shrewd politician, used all the tricks up his sleeve to stop a coalition group of all Muslim parties, even when some of the Muslim ministers said that they were prepared to resign their portfolios, if he wanted to join a coalition aligned to the UNP. Hakeem avoided all that, clinging on to the symbol issue and inviting others to contest under the A?a??E?TreeA?a??a??, if they so desired. It is now crystal clear that HakeemA?a??a??s ambivalence towards a Muslim alliance, a thought he may have had for some time. However, he was extremely cautious not to be misled by others, because he was always fearful of being booby-trapped at some point of time.

The government, though it had hiccups over HakeemA?a??a??s move, saw a positive development of sorts, in the absence of mainstream political parties with a communal branding, in the fray. It appears that they too, have strategised the campaign in such a way as to afford an alternative to the Tamils in the East to vote for any other Tamil political entity backed by the government, if they are averse to the Pillaiyan group, who are contesting under the UPFA. The EPDP and PLOTE are there to fill the gap.

Hisbullah strikes out on his own

Simultaneously, though Hisbullah was in touch with the UNP and the government on various occasions, he was never considered to be Chief Minister material by Hakeem. Hisbullah was well aware of this, and made use of the best opportunity on his way to emerging as a powerful politician from the East, striking a deal with the government, while still flirting with the SLMC. Though he joined hands with the government, he could not make a significant dent in the SLMC outfit and could only solicit little support from the SLMC membership active in the East. However, he managed to secure the support of one former Muslim, MP Thawfeek (Thabeer) and another former SLMC National list, parliamentarian Azeez from Pottuvil.

At the final session of the SLMC High Command held on Monday night, just prior to the meeting with the UNP to finalise issues, Hisbullah too participated actively, though his agenda was something else. The SLMCers now believe that Hisbullah was there up to till the last moment, to ensure that the SLMC-UNP marriage doesnA?a??a??t take place.

Hakeem was not too bothered with what has taken place, since a majority of the members are still with him, and by nature, it appears that he is more comfortable with the UNP, rather than any other political party. And finally made it happen by agreeing to contest under the UNPA?a??a??s A?a??E?ElephantA?a??a?? symbol.

Undoubtedly, it was a victory for the UNP and its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was able to clinch the best deal that brought the UNP to the forefront.

Marital woes even before the honeymoon

It was also decided at this meeting of the A?a??E?High CommandA?a??a??, that the SLMC should vehemently oppose any UNP attempt to include its Eastern convener, Naushad A. Majeed, into the Digamadulla district list. Naushad was handpicked by UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to lead the Digamadulla electoral district and was the prospective candidate for Chief Minister of the East, as far as the UNP was concerned. However, Naushad right along maintained the position that he would pave the way for Rauff Hakeem, if he was willing to contest the Chief Ministerial slot. A decision by Hakeem to contest the Chief Ministerial slot would put Naushad in an advantageous position, since he is next in line to succeed him from the Digamadulla electoral district.

When the SLMC delegation arrived at the UNP LeaderA?a??a??s Cambridge Place office on Tuesday morning, Wickremesinghe immediately summoned Naushad to be present at the meeting. At the very outset, a lawyer by the name of Faiz told the UNP Leader that they had come with both good and bad news. Wickremesinghe asked Faiz as to what the good news was. He said that they would allow the UNP to nominate all six Sinhala candidates for the Digamadulla district. But, for Wickremesinghe, it was not good news. He said that he was prepared to lower this number, depending on the situation, and said that Digamadulla should produce more Muslims. Thereafter, he queried as to what the bad news was. The reply came from Nizam Kariappar, who said that, in their opinion, the UNP should not nominate any Muslim member to any of the three districts. Wickremesinghe disagreed.

Best foot forward

The government is steadfastly moving to arrest the deteriorating political situation in the east, after the surprising move by three leading SLMCers to contest under the UNP banner.
On Nominations day itself, the UPFA put up a big show in Ampara, Trincomalee and Batticaloa, to offset the effect of the SLMC move.

The government is confident of making it in Batticaloa, since an SLMC stalwart, Hisbullah, has joined hands with the government to contest the elections.
At the same time, at ThursdayA?a??a??s nominations, two political parties A?a??a?? the EPDP and the EPRLF A?a??a?? had their nominations rejected in Trincomalee and were contemplating challenging the decisions of the Elections officers there.

EPDP Leader and Minister Douglas Devananda told this column that, as he saw it, the ground situation was becoming volatile and both parties stood an equal chance of getting elected.
He also said that, although his nominations in Trincomalee were rejected, he was quite certain of securing at least two seats in Batticaloa.

He said that he did not field candidates in Ampara following an understanding with the government.
He said that he was wholeheartedly supportive of the UPFA government for trying to democratise and install a civilian administration there.

But he said that the scales were even after Rauff HakeemA?a??a??s decision, which he described as a good move by the Opposition.
However, he pointed out that the government would do its utmost to secure all three districts, despite the hiccups here and there, due to the TamilsA?a??a?? dislike for Pillaiyan as a political entity in the east.

He also said it was more likely that the TNA would carry out a silent campaign for the UNP in the east.
Meanwhile, the government is trying to verify whether the three TNA candidates, who were LTTE sympathisers, had been included in the UNP list for Trincomalee, to attract the Tamil voters.

It looks like the Eastern elections are going to be quite interesting politically, and, at the same time, there could be violence in the run up to the elections.

It is the fervent wish of the people of all three districts, that the two major political parties should exercise extreme caution when dealing with people, while canvassing and during political meetings, to ensure those events donA?a??a??t become violent.

Thereafter, Wickremesinghe asked Naushad for his comments, observing that both parties had not gauged their respective strengths within the districts, and that the UNP, in any case, intended to field three Muslim candidates for Digamadulla, two for Batticaloa and another three for Trincomalee. However, when the SLMC delegation countered that they had been made to understand that the UNP would not nominate any Muslim candidate to any of the three districts, Naushad said that the discussion could not be proceeded any further, if that was their position. At this point, Ranil Wickremesinghe intervened to say that there was no such understanding between them. However, as a concession, Wickremesinghe said he could field two Muslims in Digamadulla instead of three. Nevertheless, Wickremesinghe said that his decision to nominate Naushad A. Majeed as the UNP candidate for the Digamadulla district, was not negotiable.

During the course of the discussion, the UNP Leader learnt of HisbullahA?a??a??s decision to join the UPFA. At once, Wickremesinghe told Hakeem, A?a??A?Look, I told you there is something like thisA?a??A?. But, neither Hakeem, nor the others, showed any signs of surprise or of being affected by HisbullahA?a??a??s decision.

The most contentious point of the meeting was when Basheer Cegu Dawood vehemently opposed the UNP move to nominate one Latheef, considered a top UNPer from Eravur, to Batticaloa. For a moment, all were stunned by BahseerA?a??a??s opposition towards Latheef and wondered whether it was a move engineered by the government to disrupt the UNP-SLMC alliance, because they were well aware of BasheerA?a??a??s connection to a powerful minister who crossed over to the government from the UNP, but, Wickremesinghe moved swiftly to diffuse the situation by shifting Latheef from Batticaloa to Digamadulla. BahseerA?a??a??s explanation to justify his opposition was that a popular university teacher from the same area, is earmarked to contest as a nominee of the SLMC. Hence, LatheefA?a??a??s nomination would cause a severe problem for both candidates, as far as preference votes are concerned. His contention was that both members would not stand a chance of being elected, if Latheef contested in Batticaloa. However, his contention doesnA?a??a??t hold water anymore, since Basheer himself had decided to contest the Batticaloa district, along with the university teacher he was referring to.

The MuslimsA?a??a?? Judas

At this stage, the meeting adjourned abruptly, with Hakeem indicating that he had to get back to the high command with the ideas put forward by the UNP, while expressing his wish to meet with the UNP again the same evening.
Though he had an uphill task before him, Hakeem convinced the A?a??E?High CommandA?a??a?? without much trouble, conceding two Muslim candidates to the UNP in Digamadulla, three in Trincomalee and one in Batticaloa, while the SLMC will have eight in Digamadulla, three in Trincomalee and two in Batticaloa. The rest would be Tamil and Sinhala candidates nominated by the UNP. He told the A?a??E?High CommandA?a??a?? that he was compelled to concede a slot in Digamadulla for his one time A?a??E?High CommandA?a??a?? member Naushad, who he said was sincere in his disposition and did everything possible to accommodate the SLMC.

Blinkers for the Muslims

Soon after the forenoon meeting with the SLMC, UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe met with a delegation of British Parliamentarians in his office. He made it a point to get the Muslim delegation, who were about to retire for another A?a??E?High CommandA?a??a?? meeting, back to his office and explained to the British Parliamentarians, the predicament of the Muslims in the East, after which the meeting ended. Wickremesinghe, by his action, had been able to convince the Muslim delegation in particular, and the SLMC in general, that he was more concerned of the problems they are facing in the East, due to various political developments there.

By Wednesday, things changed once again. The UNP became anxious, in the absence of a communication from the SLMC. For a moment, they thought their marriage to the SLMC was over and that the SLMC wanted to go alone in the East. The UNP became very worried, since this was exactly what the government wanted to do. By evening, Rauff Hakeem appeared before Ranil Wickremesinghe to convey their decision to resign from Parliament and contest the Provincial Council election under the UNP banner. Hakeem had addressed the High Command, after he agreed with the UNP. Though the SLMC felt that the deal with the UNP was not very much in their favour, they decided to take up the challenge under the prevailing circumstances. Hakeem told the High Command that this was a make or break situation for the SLMC, emphasising the need to win the election, in order to entrench the SLMCA?a??a??s political power among the people of the East. Consequent to the latest development and HakeemA?a??a??s decision to contest on the UNP list, the UNP had to change the entire nomination process and prepare new sets of papers with the inclusion of top SLMCers on top of the list. Accordingly, SLMC Leader Rauff Hakeem decided to contest Trincomalee district while Party Chairman Basheer Cegu Dawood chose to contest Batticaloa and Party General Secretary Hasan Ali moving to Digamadulla.

Pawns in a power grab: East

Though Hakeem has taken up the challenge, it would be rather difficult for the SLMC to fight a government that has invested heavily in men and material in the area. Firstly, the government liberated the East from the clutches of the LTTE and deployed a heavy contingent of security personnel to maintain law and order in the face of imminent threats from the LTTE and thereafter, launched a massive development programme branded A?a??A?Sun Rise Region DevelopmentA?a??A?. With all this in place, are the people willing to reject the governmentA?a??a??s candidates contesting under the UPFA banner? Given the circumstances, it is not only a challenge to Hakeem, but to the government too. If the people in the East reject the government and elect the UNP instead, it would be a severe indictment on the government. On the other hand, Hakeem, who has resigned from Parliament, to take up the challenge, has to prove his mettle as a worthy leader, if his party is to survive in the East.

Staying alive, politically

However, Hakeem has a way out, to remain in the mainstream of politics, in the event he is rejected by the people in the East, since two of the members who resigned were nominated from the National lists of the UNP and the SLMC. Both parties are likely to keep these two slots vacant, until the conclusion of the Eastern elections, to enable two of them to return to Parliament, if the need arises. In there view, in a worst case scenario, they would secure at least the position of Leader of the Opposition, which is also of considerable value to them. Hence, Hakeem can return to Parliament, along with another who resigned from Parliament, in the event of a total rejection by the people in the East. The man who gained most from this whole exercise is none other than Naushad A. Majeed, who could be swearing in soon, in place of Hakeem. Naushad and the UNP, who were adamant that he (Naushad) should contest Digamadulla electoral district, had to take up a new challenge of being a Member of Parliament succeeding Hakeem. Hakeem had to sacrifice one of the two (either the Provincial Council or Parliament) for Naushad. He opted to contest the Eastern polls amidst showers of praise by many who described it as a bold political step.

Hakeem would have felt that it was essential to contest and win at the Provincial Council, in the face of a growing personal political threat, especially after the governmentA?a??a??s move to grab a few fellow members of the SLMC, including Hisbullah.

All in all, political analysts conclude that the Ranil-Hakeem combination in the East as being a formidable power block, which has caused problems for the government. Others are of the view that the government is already on the back foot and very selective of its political moves. However, at the same time, some others think that Hakeem has taken a calculated risk, as far as Muslim politics is concerned.

source: Delivery Mycelex-g
http://www.nation.lk/2008/04/06/politics1.htm

East – from military to a political battle ground

Military East

By Amantha Perera

It was June 20, 2001. Rauf Hakeem had just walked across the aisle in parliament into opposition ranks and dealt a death blow to the second Chandrika Kumaratunga administration.

He sat among journalists in one of the parliament dining rooms and mused aloud of the crossover of the seven SLMC parliamentarians. “My neck is on the line,” he said.

His neck is once again on the line – last week he upped the stakes in next month’s Eastern Provincial Council election by resigning from his parliament seat, along with two of his close associates, to run in the polls.

It is only apt that the Mahinda Rajapakse administration faces it first stiff political test in the east. The east, from Kumana in the south to Kokillai in the north, is where it fought its first major military battles with the Tigers, and won.

Eventual fall

Five years, one month and two days after Hakeem sat in the opposition triggering the eventual fall of the Kumaratunga Government, on the afternoon of July 22, 2006, the water ran dry under the Kallar anicut in Somapura, north of the now famous Mawilaru sluice gates.

The Tigers said that civilians angry at unofficial restrictions placed by the government forces closed the gates. Whoever closed the gates, the incident was the first fall in the domino action that would end with the Tigers losing all their real estate holdings in the east.

Just a week shy of the anniversary of the Mawilaru closure, on July 15 last year, government forces gained Toppigala in the Batticaloa District, a symbolic event that signalled the culmination of what began with Mawilaru.

By July 27, 2006 water flowed once again under Kallar, but by then the government had already ordered troops to march towards the sluice gates.

As battles raged near the dirt track that was the access road to Mawilaru from the Somapura Road, the Tigers attacked government held western parts of Muttur town, about 20 km north of Somapura.

Fighting spreads

The Tigers held western and southern parts of Muttur while the government maintained its hold on the north-eastern parts where the important jetty was located. Fighting spread like wild fire in the northern edges of the province in the first 10 days of August 2006.

On August 11, the Tigers upped the ante yet again, when they shelled the Palaly base using long range artillery and also launched an assault on the government defence line at Muhamalai. They even said that Tiger aircraft had flown over Palaly during the fighting.

The August 11 fighting closed the A9 and it has remained closed since. The Tigers also launched artillery attacks on the Trincomalee Naval Base, targeting a naval troop carrier convoy that was in the bay area.

But the tide quickly turned in favour of the government forces. The government gained lost ground and even moved a half kilometre into Tiger held areas in Muhamalai two weeks after the August 11, 2006 debacle.

By September 1, 2006, troops had broken out of their encampments in Kattaparichchan, west of Sampur after the camp had been besieged. Three days later on September 4, 2006, the security forces reported that troops had entered the Tiger stronghold of Sampur, and the Tigers said they had made a tactical withdrawal from the town. Sampur was the main Tiger political/military enclave in areas south of the Trincomalee bay and Tiger big guns had been positioned there.

On the march

By December 2006, troops had began moving up the A 15 that links Muttur and Valachchenai from the southern tip of the highway in the Batticaloa District.

January 21, 2007, government announced that the key coastal town of Vaharai had fallen into government hands.

On February 28, the Tigers committed yet another inexplicable act. They started shelling the Weber Stadium on the western edges of Batticaloa town as helicopters carrying several key Western ambassadors and Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe landed on the grounds.

A week later troops had launched into the only areas held by the Tigers in the Batticaloa District, around Toppigala, Karadiyanaru and Vavunathivu.

By July 15 last year it was all over and Toppigala had fallen. While the northern parts of the province were being cleared of the Tigers, the STF had succeeded in a similar effort in the Kanchikudichiaru areas in the Ampara District.

Hundreds die

The fighting did not go as a chess game as some media reports would indicate. Hundreds of combatants and civilians died, and hundreds of thousands fled for their lives. Between last year and this March the government had resettled over 104,000 in the Batticaloa District alone.

Seven months after Toppigala was gained, the Batticaloa local government elections were held, and the TMVP led Pillayan crowned in glory.

Now the entire province is heading into a provincial council poll. As the local government campaigning reached fever pitch last month, Hakeem felt the direction of the political winds in the east – that the LC polls was a launching pad for larger struggles.

Now that the sixth sense of the seasoned politician has come true, he has no option but to do battle himself.

Ampara Muslims want TMVP out

By Mandana Ismail Abeyawickrema

The Muslim factor in the east cannot be undermined in the forthcoming Eastern Provincial Council elections due to the large number of Muslims in the province.

The biggest Muslim bloc in the province is in Digamadulla (Ampara) District, which is to also elect the highest number of provincial councilors to the Eastern Provincial Council. A total number of 35 provincial councilors are to be elected at the elections (Digamadulla District 14, Batticaloa District 11 and Trincomalee District 10).

Over 50% of the 409,360 voters in the Digamadulla District are Muslims with Kalmunai, Samanthurai, Ampara and Pottuvil being the areas with the highest Muslim concentration.

However, the way in which the Muslim vote would sway depends mainly on one issue – the Pillayan factor and the support given to it by the government.

According to Muslims in the Digamadulla District, the results of the Eastern Provincial Council election would also play a key role in the future survival of Muslims and also the Sinhalese in the province.

The friction between the Muslim and the Tamil communities following the activities of the Pillayan Group in the area would push the Muslims to exercise their franchise against any group representing the Tiger breakaway.

The growing dissention against the Pillayan Group intensified last week when an act of intimidation by several members of the group in Kalmunai resulted in a hartal launched by the Muslims in the area.

Although the hartal ended by Tuesday, April 2 afternoon, the impact the incident had on the Muslims have made them more vocal on the need to safeguard their rights at the forthcoming elections.

According to residents in Kalmunai, being under Pillayan would be like being under the LTTE.

“The election results would show if the Muslims and for that matter even the Sinhalese would be able to survive in the east,” Mohideen Ajeemal, a resident from Kalmunai said.

He said that although Kalmunai was calm at the moment, there was growing dissention against the Pillayan Group.

Pillayan’s affiliation with the government has made the Muslims think twice about the UPFA and supporting it.

“Muslims and the Sinhalese have no issues and they can co-exist. The problem is with the Pillayan group,” Ajeemal said.

He added that Pillayan’s group was trying to intimidate people in the east just after winning the local government polls in the Batticaloa District. “The Pillayan Group does not have a huge presence in Digamadulla like in Batticaloa, but still they try to intimidate the Muslims. Imagine the plight of the people if Pillayan or any faction supportive of them wins the elections?” he pondered.

Muslim big guns enter the fray

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

What does prometrium cost

The closure of nominations for the Eastern Provincial Council (EPC) ended on Thursday (3) on a dramatic note. The government, requiring significant Muslim political support managed to clinch a last minute deal with SLMC Executive member, M.L.M. Hizbullah, the SLMC’s driving force behind the recently concluded Batticaloa local authority election.

It is well known that Presidential Advisor and MP Basil Rajapakse struck the crucial deal with Hizbullah, splitting the SLMC further in a bid to strengthen the government’s Muslim representation at the May 10 poll. Strangely, it was Hizbullah, whilst spearheading the SLMC election battle in Batticaloa last month that proved the most vociferous critic against the Pillayan Group, highlighting instances of violence and intimidation against Muslims.

Hizbullah’s explanation was, “Either Pillayan or I will be appointed chief minister, depending on how we fare at provincial level. One has to work with the government to become the chief minister.”

A political failure

Hizbullah who has twice defected from the SLMC was also critical of the SLMC Leader. “He has proved himself a political failure. The Muslims need to be heard. That’s why I am here together with other Muslim leaders who advocate a massive eastern voice for the Muslim community.”

Irked by the defection, Party Leader Rauf Hakeem claimed that some party members have been conspiring to destroy the party but expressed confidence in the unwavering loyalty of SLMC supporters.

Matching words with action, Hakeem struck a deal with the UNP and promptly resigned from his seat together with Party General Secretary, Hasan Ali and Basheer Segu Dawood to contest the polls. As things stand, the three SLMC members will provide leadership to the three districts in the UNP-SLMC joint campaign to capture political power in the east.

The SLMC’s massive entry will work in their favour, opines UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake.

“We are to contest in a province that is multi ethnic and multi lingual. Besides, the SLMC has a significant presence given that it is essentially, eastern based. We will ensure a formidable political contest,” he said.

No such pledge

At least one government minister, Digamadulla-based UNP defector P. Dayaratne has broken the UPFA chief ministerial theory claiming that no such pledge had been made to either Pillayan or Hizbullah despite their much-publicised ambitions to run the provincial administration.

“That post is currently open. It has not been pledged to either Hizbullah or Pillayan” Dayaratne said.

The quicksand political dynamics in the east is not confined to the Muslims. The Tamil community too has added to the sense of drama.

Last week, the TNA officially announced its decision to boycott the eastern PC poll giving historic reasons for doing so.

Amaryllis sales research heiloo The TNA’s position is that the government spent Rs. 250 million on a poll together with a Tamil breakaway militant group to deny the political rights of a community. “What are the credentials of the Pillayan Group? What ideology do they represent, having given into the Sinhala dominance and becoming a pawn in the hands of President Mahinda Rajapakse,” demands TNA Jaffna District MP, K Shivajilingam.

Tiger political arm

In the meantime, a political arm of the LTTE, the People’s Front of Liberation Tigers (PFLT) has submitted its nominations at the Ampara Kachcheri for the forthcoming poll. It is an interesting development to find one time Tiger Political big-wig Yogaratnam Yogi’s signature on the party nomination list. The PFLT is fielding 17 candidates including two women.

But the TNA remains unflinching, claiming that whoever who participates in this ‘farce’ goes against Tamil ideology.

“President Rajapakse has bifurcated north-east as opposed to the original merged north-east which were merged following an 1987 international treaty between India and Sri Lanka. The merged territory existed for 18 years and was accepted by four successive presidents of Sri Lanka,” adds TNA General Secretary, Mavai Senadhiraja.

‘Having destroyed the east through military offensives since July 2006, the government has caused immense damage to crops and livelihood, property including houses, plantations and fishing equipment. Over 500,000 Tamil civilians were displaced and extra judicial killings and enforced disappearances completed the picture,’ he charged.

“Hurriedly holding an election in the bifurcated east is a diabolical step. It is a smokescreen for all its misdeeds against the Tamil people,” he alleged.

Rightfully belong to a Tamil

Meanwhile, staking a claim for the top post in the region is Pillayan himself. “The post should rightfully belong to a Tamil. By working with the government, we can ensure development,” he told the media April 3 midday, as nominations closed.

The JVP that has vowed to ‘destroy the PC system from within’ has nominated a former teacher and Pradeshiya Sabha Member, Wimal Piyatissa as the party’s chief ministerial candidate.

Piyatissa will head the JVP in the Trincomalee District with Ibrahim Lebbe and Krishantha Priyadarshana heading the Batticaloa and Digamadulla Districts.

Adding a fresh twist, two PA constituent parties, the CP and the LSSP too entered the fray as the Left Front, staking a separate claim in the eastern political battle.

Like the terrain and the ethnography of the east, the political battle is proving to be interesting, as it prepares for a poll after 14 years.

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20080406/spotlight-1.htm

Over 10,000 families to benefit from re-awakening project

Purchase panmycin aqua

By Anura Maitipe

Rs. 2.5 million has been allocated under the re-awakening project to improve the livelihood of over 10,500 conflict-affected families in the Batticaloa district. This was made known at a ceremony held to launch the project last week at the Hindu College, Batticaloa.

Minister of Nation Building and Estate Infrastructure, Susantha Punchinilame said the concept of this project is different and it has given authority to the people in those areas to select suitable projects needed by them. Funds have already been allocated for these projects.

Minister of Disaster Relief Services Amir Ali said let us forget the past and now peace has dawn in the East. Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims should get-together and create harmony by alleviating poverty in the district.

The newly elected Batticaloa Municipal Council Mayor, Padmini Prabhakaran said, people in the East can help in implementing projects designed by them. They have proved it by the ballot and it was a clear signal to the whole world that we need peace and development and not terrorism.

The Project Director, P. H. Sugathadasa said, the aim of the project is to help people in conflict affected areas in the Northern and Eastern provinces to improve their livelihood.

Under this project it was the community who decided, planned and implemented all projects and not the authorities, he said. With the completion of this project rural infrastructure facilities will be improved, more arid lands will be irrigated, the agricultural produce and income of people in these areas will also increase. Those who were newly re-settled with the restoration of peace in the East will benefit from the project.

Vasotec 10 mg price http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2008/04/06/new20.aspA?A?

Govt. to probe UTHR allegations

By Poornima Weerasekara Zofran generic The Defence Ministry has been requested to investigate allegations raised by the University Teachers for Human Rights (UTHR-J) which recently named military and police personnel as alleged perpetrators in the ACF massacre.

UTHRA?a??a??s recent report on the killing of 17 aid workers in Muttur also raised questions about the effectiveness of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (CoI) into the matter.

A?a??A?We have already sent the UTHR report to the defence ministry and asked them to take necessary steps to look into the allegations made,A?a??A? Disaster Management and Human Rights Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe said.

A?a??A?The report includes names of certain individuals.A?A? As a government we must validate the allegations and take necessary steps thereafter. The UTHR can also give evidence before the CoI,A?a??A? he said.

Defence Ministry sources confirmed they had received the report and an investigation would follow to determine the authenticity on several claims that had been made.

Addressing concerns on the slow pace of progress of the CoI Mr. Samarasinghe said there were always teething problems during initial stages when a new institutional setup was put into place.

A?a??A?However, they have started getting on with their job. The probe into the Trincomalee killings and the ACF case had to be suspended until the public inquiry session started. Investigations are also currently underway on the killing of 10 Muslims in Pottuvil Cheap cymbalta from canada ,A?a??A? he said.

A?a??A?I am as desperate as anyone else to show results as it would strengthen my case, when discussing human rights issues at international platforms,A?a??A? he said.

A?a??A?As soon as they have finished the Attorney GeneralA?a??a??s department will decide whether to recommence the judicial process,A?a??A? he said.

Providing reassurance that necessary steps would have to follow even in cases where state actors were accused as the alleged perpetrators, Minister Samarasinghe said A?a??A?there had been instances when indictments were served against security forces personnel.A?a??A?

A?a??A?But these are cases that cannot be resolved overnight, because of the special circumstances in which they have occurred and the complexity of issues that need to be dealt with. Eventually it is incumbent on the government to punish the perpetrators. I think the international community understands this,A?a??A? he said.

A?a??A?These cases are not the results of government or military policies. We do not agree with abductions or other such violations. But when they do occur we have to address them as a matter of urgency,A?a??A? he said.

According to Mr. Samarasinghe, there was no definite decision yet on whether to invite a new group of experts to form a new panel of independent international group of experts to make observations on the commission proceedings.

A?a??A?The concept of the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) is unique to the Sri Lankan government. These individual experts were working within a defined framework. LetA?a??a??s see how it goes. We still have confidence on how the CoI handles the inquiries and we are positive that they will produce results eventually,A?a??A? he said.

http://www.dailymirror.lk/DM_BLOG/Sections/frmNewsDetailView.aspx?ARTID=11025

A border fence from Mannar to Pottuvil?

Vasotec generic name By Justin William Marianyagam, Karampon East, Kayts, Jaffna. Where to buy sominex

The 13th amendment implementation for the North and East is currently creating much turmoil and controversy both, in Sri Lanka and in the diaspora. Tamils in the diaspora consider the 13th amendment a waste of time since it falls short of fulfilling aspirations for a completely separate Tamil state, by contrast, opponents tf the amendment consider it to be too much of a concession to Tamil separatism. What, however, are the views of ordinary Tamils in the North who are actually bearing the brunt of the on-going conflict?
Tamils in the homeland are having to face tragedies on an almost daily basis, dear ones killed, others abducted. The fit and able Tamils have fled the soil of their homeland. It is the poor, weak and vulnerable people that were left behind. Everywhere in Sri Lanka ordinary Sri Lankans want the war to stop. Ordinary Tamils in the North long for a normal life: to be able to send their children to school without fear of abduction, to have ordinary jobs and careers, to run businesses, go shopping and care for their families.
Ordinary Tamils in the North want food, shelter, security and the freedom to move about. We all want peace, it’s the lasting solution.
Every government promises something, but nothing ever happens. People have no trust in anyone.
Tamil diaspora keep beating the war drum. They’ve created this situation and are continuing to do so, leading to the complete destruction of our society and traditions. Ordinary Tamils in the homeland do not like violence, nor do they seek violence. Those who take the sword will one day die from the sword. Innocent people are dying in the name of freedom. Peace does not create an enemy. We all need peace!.
The implementation of the 13th amendment is a vital issue as it offers Tamils the chance to govern their region with a considerable degree of autonomy. The 13th amendment is born out of the Indian Accord with the UNP government in 1987, when the Indian Peace Keeping Force came to Sri Lanka to resolve the national conflict. It is roughly based on the Indian model regarding regional governance.

In fact, the details of the 13th amendments are actually more favourable towards Tamils, than the Indian system would have been. For example, the official language in Mumbay is Marathi and the Tamils there are required to learn the Marathi language in Mumbay schools, whereas in Sri Lanka there are Tamil school for Tamil children everywhere in the country. Equal prominence is assured for the Tamil language alongside Sinhala, with English designated as the link language as is again the case in India.
The opponents for the implementation of the 13th amendment argue that it doesn’t offer the Tamils enough. The 13th amendment is already in the constitution, chopping and changing it, is not appropriate. Also, there is no provision for a North and East merger in the present 13th Amendment. The government should govern the country based on the constitution and should do so without delay. The implementation process raised some questions too: why the need for an election or for an interim government?
It is important to point out, that there is in fact a clause, which states that, if one or two provinces wanted to join they could do so with the presidential recommendations. So, why would one want to reject the proposal before having it tested and before seeing how it worked out in practice? Rome was not built in one day! Start with one step and make progress with time.
13th amendment offers a framework for the future. The proposal is for a temporary merger between the North and East, with a referendum to be held in a year’s time to get the mandate from the people of the North and the East. The document includes plans for the development of the systems of health, education, agriculture, transport, rehabilitation,re- settlement, as well as the setting up of new industries. People opposing the plan, tend to ignore the fact that th 13th Amendment is already successfully implemented in eight out of nine provincial administrations in Sri Lanka. Most recently, as a result of the recent elections in the East, democratic processes and systems are being established there. The right of having a civil administration, is only denied to the Tamils in the North, because the LTTE is trying hopelessly to hold out for a completely separate state, their old dream of a Tamil Eelam.
The JVP’s fear that giving provincial autonomy and power to the Tamils may open the path to separatism and Indian influence is also unfounded. The election in the East shows that there is no separatism developing and the provincial administration is fully accepted by the local population. The JVP is supposed to campaign for the poor and underprivileged. and yet it seems to be playing the tune sung by the arm dealers, who want to continue making a huge profit.
For the Tamil people in North, assisting the government to implement the 13th amendment is the chance to be free from the autocratic control of LTTE, a chance to set up a democratic civil system, and to rebuild the Tamil community, the area’s infra-structure, the land, its towns and the country as a whole.
LTTE depends on the financial and political support from the Tamil diaspora, people who hold British, American, Canadian, Australian, French, German, Swiss etc. passports guaranteeing them safety and freedom. It appears that some like to gain moments of fame and recognition through their vocal and financial support to the Tigers from a safe distance. Meanwhile, in Sri Lanka, the LTTE is on the run by all accounts. They are on the way out, their forces exhausted as there are no more Tamil teenagers left to be rounded up and abducted into the battle fields.
We are spending more and more money on the war every year, which is delaying the development of our country. As elsewhere in the world, it would not be surprising to discover that the continuing chaos in our country is partly fuelled by those who gain most from it, i.e. the arm dealers and the opportunists. Foreign Arms dealers are getting rich, whilst the young people of our country are dying like flies in the heat of the battle fields. Some have escaped to foreign countries working as cleaners and other menial jobs, whereas youngsters in other South Asian countries, such as India, are working in IT, in businesses, administration, schools, etc..
Our country is a small country and has surely had more than its share of being battered, bruised, tormented, during so many years of war and conflict The majority of Tamils in the diaspora community are peace loving and refuse to get involved with or support such separatist campaigns. Yet, it seems that the dream of a Tamil Eelam will remain alive among some members in the Tamil diaspora. Campaigning for separatism has become an integral part of their exiled life. Whether as part of peace, human rights or community organisations, they themselves of course, are able to live a comfortable life and send their children to colleges and universities. They do not have to live a life of constant fear and deprivation in Sri Lanka’s war zones.
What moral right do people, who are free, safe and doing fairly well have to support a situation which means thousands of people in their homeland are killing and getting killed, maimed, tortured, and women and young girls getting raped. Would the diaspora community allow their own kids into the war zone? If not, why is it alright to ask others to suffer and sacrifice their lives?
Why support the LTTE? The LTTE’s ideology and ‘working’ methods does not resemble anything found within other liberation movements and struggles in the world. How can threatening and killing your own people who are suspected of not towing the line be progressive or liberating? How can the expulsion of people purely because of their different beliefs be progressive? Is it not ironical, that the diaspora communities are enjoying the benefits of a diverse and multi-cultural society in their adopted countries, whilst accepting an organization that expelled around 100.000 Muslims from Jaffna and that continuously pours out hatred against Sinhalese Moreover, do those holding out for a Tamil Eelam really think it can practically be achieved? How does one draw a map separating the Muslim, Tamil and Sinhala communities in the East? Do those who campaign in the diaspora ever think about the Tamil people living in the south? They continue to live there peacefully among the Sinhalese community.
How would a border fence be put up from Mannar to Pottuvil?
Do they really think it is realistic for Tamils to claim for itself 35% of the island’s land and 65 % of its coastal area as shown in the Tamil Eelam map? How likely is it, that Regional Super Power India will support Eelam and the LTTE ?
The dream for a Tamil Eelam for the Tamils will never happen. This dream began to evaporate when they killed Rajiv Gandhi in India, it dissipated when the LTTE wiped out the other Tamil organizations and went on a manhunt, it disappeared out of the window, when the conspirators split the East from the North and this dream of an independent state finally ended when the Eastern commanders walked out from the LTTE’s jungle.
This amendment will be the catalyst for many changes to come for the nation as a whole. The country has the culture and is capable of building things even without importing many goods. Sri Lankans have a holistic approach to life. There are already towns and villages where Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and others are living side by side and are helping each other. It seems the poor know better the value of living together, than do the rich and privileged.
Tamils should be entitled to their democratic and human right to rebuild their lives, their homes and their society. Whoever opposes the implementation of the 13th amendment, betray the hopes of the people who want to rebuild their future.
Tamils and all ordinary Sri Lankans long for peace and an end to the armed conflict which has been raging for twenty five years or more.
Being united will bring hope and prosperity to all communities. To fail to grasp this opportunity will certainly bring more wealth for the arm dealers and profiteers, but it will cause continued suffering among all Sri Lankans, especially the Tamils.

source:
http://www.lankaweb.com/news/items08/300308-5.html